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Orders, Decorations, Campaign Medals and Militaria
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Date: 21st November 2013 Time: 10:00AM
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GROUPS AND PAIRS WITH ORDERS AND DECORATIONS FOR GALLANTRY OR DISTINGUISHED SERVICE

1
The Great War 1915 'Western Front' C.B., 1918 C.M.G. Group of Six to Brigadier-General E.C.F. Gillespie, Army Service Corps, Late Leinster Regiment
a) The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Military Division, Companion's (C.B.) breast Badge, subsequently converted for neck wear, silver-gilt and enamel
b) The Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, Companion's (C.M.G.) neck Badge
c) 1914 Star, with Bar (Lt: Col: E.C.F. Gillespie. A.S.C.)
d) British War and Victory Medals, M.I.D. Oakleaves (Brig. Gen. E.C.F. Gillespie.)
e) France, Third Republic, Legion of Honour, Officer's breast Badge, 54mm including wreath suspension x 41mm, gold and enamel, with rosette on riband, good very fine or better, all housed in a Spink, London, fitted leather case, with the following related documents &c.:
- Bestowal Document for the Order of the Bath, C.B., named to Lieutenant-Colonel Ernest Carden Freeth Gillespie, and dated 18.2.1915, together with Central Chancery enclosure
- Bestowal Document for the Order of St. Michael and St. George, C.M.G., named to Brigadier-General Ernest Carden Freeth Gillespie, C.B., and dated 1.1.1918, together with Central Chancery enclosure
- Bestowal Document for the Legion of Honour, named to Mr. Ernest Carden Freeth Gillespie, and dated 14.8.1920
- Six Mentioned in Despatches Certificates, dated 8.10.1914; 9.4.1917; 7.11.1917; 7.4.1918; 8.11.1918; 16.3.1919
- Photograph of the recipient (6) £1,600-2,000
Footnote: C.B. London Gazette 18.2.1915 Lieutenant-Colonel E.C.F. Gillespie, Army Service Corps
'For services rendered in connection with Operations in the Field.'
C.M.G. London Gazette 1.1.1918 Lt.-Col. (T./Col) Ernest Carden Freeth Gillespie, C.B., A.S.C.
'For services rendered in connection with Military Operations in the Field.'
French Legion of Honour, Officer London Gazette 17.3.1920 Colonel (temporary Brigadier-General) Ernest Carden Freeth Gillespie, C.B., C.M.G.
'For distinguished services rendered during the course of the campaign.'
Brigadier-General Ernest Carden Freeth Gillespie, C.B., C.M.G., born May 1871; educated at the Royal Military College, Sandhurst; Commissioned Second Lieutenant, Leinster Regiment, March 1890; promoted Lieutenant, March 1892; transferred with the rank of Captain to the Army Service Corps, April 1897; promoted Major, 2.10.1903; Lieutenant-Colonel, 25.7.1912; served during the Great War on the Western Front from 18.8.1914, initially in command of the 5th Divisional Train, and then afterwards on the Staff (C.B., C.M.G., six times Mentioned in Despatches, and awarded the Legion of Honour); promoted Colonel, 25.7.1917; after the war served with the Egyptian Expeditionary Force; retired with the rank of Brigadier-General, 24.6.1921; died, 19.1.1942.
2
A Fine and Well Documented 'Hazara 1888' C.B. Group of Six to Colonel H.M. Pratt, 2nd Sikhs, Who Served For Over 30 Years in India, Took Command of the 5th Punjab Infantry During the Second Afghan War, And Was Six Times Mentioned in Despatches
a) The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Military Division, Companion's (C.B.) breast Badge, gold (Hallmarks for London 1887) and enamel, with integral gold riband buckle
b) Indian Mutiny 1857-58, no clasp (Ensign H.M. Pratt, Bengal Infantry.)
c) China 1857-60, two clasps, Taku Forts 1860, Pekin 1860 (Lieut. H.M. Pratt, 23rd. Regt. Punjab Pioneers)
d) Afghanistan 1878-80, four clasps, Peiwar Kotal, Charasia, Kabul, Kandahar (Maj. H.M. Pratt. 2nd. Sikh Infy.)
e) Kabul to Kandahar Star 1880 (Major H.M. Pratt 2nd. Sikh Infy.)
f) India General Service 1854-95, one clasp, Hazara 1888 (Colonel H.M. Pratt 2nd. Sikh Infy.), very minor green enamel damage to wreath on C.B., light contact marks throughout, generally good very fine, together with the following related items:
- The recipient's six related miniature awards
- A coloured portrait drawing of the recipient
- The recipient's notebook, containing extracts from his diary, and details of his service career
- A notebook containing entries written in native script 'found in the enemy's camp [at Kandahar] on the 1st September 1880.' (6) £4,000-6,000
Footnote: C.B. London Gazette 12.4.1889 Lieutenant-Colonel and Colonel Henry Marsh Pratt, Bengal Staff Corps
'In recognition of services during the operations at Hazara.'
Colonel Henry Marsh Pratt, C.B., was born in Harpley, Norfolk, October 1838, the son of the Reverend William Pratt, Rector of Harpley, and educated at Marlborough College and Addiscombe; Commissioned Ensign, December 1856, he sailed for India, arriving in Calcutta on the 13th December, and was posted to the 51st Bengal Native Infantry.
Indian Mutiny
'The 51st Bengal Native Infantry, to which I belonged, mutinied on the 28th August 1857 at Pershawar- my Regiment with the rest of the Hindostani Regiments stationed at Peshawar had been disarmed earlier in the year- orders were issued for every Native Regiment to leave its lines and march to the Brigade Parade Ground and encamp there in front of the cantonment towards Jamrud- when there, each company was marched singly back into its lines and ordered to carry each man his bed and his property out to its new camp. The raw men of the 18th Punjab Infantry, newly raised, superintended the removal of the sepoy's property so as to ensure that no arms or ironbound clubs were taken out of the lines. Everything of the nature of an arm was collected in a heap near a tank in the lines, which were surrounded by trees. This work of clearing out the lines had been going on from early morning to 12:30pm, when the remaining 3 Companies, still in camp, were marched into the lines to finish the work. Most of the 18th Punjab Infantry had piled arms and were resting. Under the shade of the trees round the camp were most of the British Officers- Captain Bartlett, Commanding the 18th Punjab Infantry, his adjutant Lieutenant Roberts, and I, were resting on charpoys when a simultaneous rush was made for the heap of iron clubs and several of the piled muskets, all loaded, were seized. Headed by a Native Officer of the 51st, some picked men rushed at Bartlett, Roberts, and myself. They took us by surprise. A big wrestler rolled with me into the tank of water. My first effort was to strike out and swim to the opposite side of the tank, firing going on all round; on moving I felt a try at my sword. I stopped, found that I touched the bottom when standing up, and, feeling for my sword found that the sepoy had followed me under water and had his hand on the hilt of my sword. After a rough and tumble he saw his friends dispersing and so he left me with my sword and got out of the tank to be bayoneted by one of the 18th Punjab Infantry. On looking round I saw Bartlett with his revolver cocked, standing in the tank bleeding from a wound in the forehead. He fired at a man who was taking a pot shot at me. The British Regiment then came up and as the mutineers were dispersing we got out of the tank. The 51st Native Infantry were shot down if they remained in the lines, and if they were captured and brought in they were shot as deserters, and so the whole of my Regiment was wiped out in two days and none got away.' (Extracts from the recipient's diary refers). So ended Pratt's service with the 51st Bengal Native Infantry.
China
'In February 1860 I volunteered for the Expeditionary Force going to China and found myself posted to the 15th Sikh Pioneers. We started en-route for Pekin via the Taku Forts at the mouth of the Peiho River and we landed from troop barges at Pehtaing, a small town where we were quartered until we marched on the Taku Forts. We had two skirmishes, before the assault; after one Fort had been taken the other 3 were vacated. We then all encamped preparing for our march on Pekin, we had two pitched battles on the way which we won without trouble, 'Changhiawau' and 'Tinigchow', and then encamped outside Pekin where we waited till the Chinese released the prisoners remaining alive and paid the indemnity asked. As the Chinese would not release the prisoners they kept in torture and would not come to terms an order was given to burn the Summer Palace, the property of the Chinese Emperor. This we did- I personally had 200 men and was apportioned a strip to burn some quarter of a mile wide by a mile or so in depth. We had no conveniences for carrying away property, but I got a stove onto a cart which I sold by auction at Hong Kong for £70.' (ibid).
Afghanistan
'On the 31st May 1878 I was posted as Officer Second in Command to the 5th Regiment Punjab Infantry at Kohat, from which station I marched with the Regiment to Kurram with the Kurram Field Force under General Sir F. Roberts and was present at the reconnaissance of the Low Hills under the Peiwar Kotal on the 28th November 1878. On the 2nd December 1878 the Force assaulted and captured the Peiwar Kotal- the 5th Punjab Infantry were first employed in the direct advance under Brigadier General Cobbe and then bearing to the right, left the direct advance and climbed up the face of the Hills through scrub until we effected a junction with General Roberts' storming force that had made a flank march during the night and had captured the positions held by the enemy at daybreak. The Regiment then headed the next forward flanking movement which caused the enemy to vacate their almost impregnable position and in the evening we sighted all the Afghan Garrison moving across the plain beneath us in the direction of Cabul. The Regiment then took part in the advance on Ali Khel and afterwards on the 13th December returned to Kurram, selected to escort the 19 captured guns together with the Sikh wounded and some 20 prisoners.
On the 7th September 1879 the Regiment marched forward as part of the Force ordered to invade Cabul and exact satisfaction for the murder of Cavagnari and his escort. On the 6th October 1879 the Regiment took part in the action at Charasia- I was in command. That evening the Regiment bivouacked on the heights and during the following days took part in the advance on and the occupation of Cabul. From the 14th October to the 4th November the Regiment with a Force under Sir Hugh Gough proceeded to the Sherpur to relieve the troops that had been surrounded and were being attacked by the enemy- the enemy disappeared on our arrival. The Regiment next formed part of a force under Brigadier General T. Baker from the 21st November to the 1st December 1879 to forage and destroy a number of walled villages that had given trouble. On the 13th and 14th December the Regiment moved out and was engaged with the enemy, and was ordered to assault and capture a strong fort. The gate had to be burnt down and then we rushed in and killed the Ghazis who were waiting to receive us. As there was hesitation I had to lead the way in and was obliged to shoot 2 men in front of me. On the 23rd December we were engaged in repulsing the enemy's final attack when the whole hillside, where the enemy had been swarming like bees, was seen to be without a man remaining on them. The city was most desolate when we visited it, the shops having all been looted and destroyed by the enemy.' (ibid). For his gallantry during the capture of the fort, Pratt was Mentioned in General Roberts' Despatch, London Gazette 4.5.1880.
Kabul to Kandahar
'The 2nd Sikh Infantry, of which I was posted Second in Command, arrived back in Sherpur on the 26th July with the Force under the Command of General Sir Donald Stewart. On the disaster of Maiwand, outside Kandahar, becoming known, a force was ordered to be despatched from Kabul under General Roberts to relieve the British Forces that were in Kandahar. The 2nd Sikhs being ordered to join this Force, on the 8th August I marched out with the Regiment and took part in Robert's Kabul to Kandahar March. We reached Kandahar on the 31st August on which day there was a reconnaissance in force and the next day, the 1st September, the 2nd Sikhs was one of the two leading Battalions of the 2nd Brigade and performed distinguished service clearing the tenaciously held gardens and walled enclosures which lay in the line of attack in a manner which is warmly testified to by the General in his Despatch. The casualties of the Regiment were 3 sepoys killed and Major Slater (very severely) and 23 sepoys wounded. 2 Native Officers, 1 N.C.O., and 4 Sepoys were subsequently admitted to the [Indian] Order of Merit for conspicuous gallantry during this action.' (Extracts from the recipient's diary refers).
For his conduct throughout the Second Afghan War, Pratt was Mentioned in Despatches four times and was promoted Lieutenant-Colonel 'in recognition of his service during the late Afghan Campaign', 2.3.1881.
Hazara 1888
'On the 28th September 1888 I arrived in Abbottabad in command of the 2nd Sikh Infantry. The Regiment having been ordered to join and form part of the Force against the tribes inhabiting the Black Mountains I am appointed Commandant of the 4th Column. On the 5th October we moved up to support the advance of No.3 Column with 200 men of the 2nd Sikhs- I left them and pushed up to the General Officer Commanding Sir John McQueen and found all at the summit of Akhund Baba ka Chera- a tremendous pull up. Saw everyone- 2 British soldiers and 1 sepoy of the 14th Sikhs who had first been wounded by the enemy's scouts firing out of a thicket on the column moving up towards the top of the hill. On the 13th October I left Kalakka as we have been ordered to join General Galbraith's Division at Kunhar on the Indus. On the 15th October I reached Kotkai held by Colonel Hills of the Seaforth Highlanders. Had a three quarters of an hour talk with Colonel Cruickshank whom I have to relieve as he is wounded. Could not pass riding so dismounted and walked into Kunhar where I met General Galbraith and joined their mess. On the 18th October I went over the Indus with 300 Rifles as guard and rest of the column empty handed and carted on men's heads a tremendous lot of India corn with stalks for mules' forage. We set off the following morning for Bakrai along a vile road only suitable for Infantry or unladen animals, and encamped at Bukrai. On the 30th October the Prisoners came in, and the Hassanzais paid fine in full.' (Extracts from the recipient's diary refers).
For his services during the Hazara Campaign, firstly in commanding the 4th Column, and latterly in commanding the Reserve and subsequently the River Columns during the final operations against the Akazais and Hassanzais, Pratt was twice Mentioned in Despatches and appointed a Companion of the Order of the Bath.
Lieutenant-Colonel Pratt retired from the Indian Army, October 1893, with a pension 'as a reward for distinguished and meritorious service' of £100 per annum, and was promoted Colonel, December 1894, on completion of 38 years' service. In retirement he travelled through Europe extensively, and died in London, April 1919.
3
A Good Great War C.B., Scarce Campaign Group of Eight to Brigadier-General L.N. Herbert, Indian Army, Who Was Severely Wounded During the Defence of Malakand, 27.7.1897; Mentioned in Despatches for Tibet; And Commanded the 65th Infantry Brigade in Salonika, 1915-16
a) The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Military Division, Companion's (C.B.) breast Badge, converted for neck wear, silver-gilt and enamel
b) India General Service 1895-1902, V.R., three clasps, Punjab Frontier 1897-98, Malakand 1897, Tirah 1897-98 (Captn. L.N. Herbert 22d. Pjb. Infy.)
c) Tibet 1903-04, no clasp (Major L.N. Herbert 19th Punjabis), surname partially officially corrected
d) 1914-15 Star (Brig. Gen. L.N. Herbert.)
e) British War and Victory Medals, M.I.D. Oak Leaves (Brig. Gen. L.N. Herbert.)
f) India General Service 1903-35, E.VII.R., one clasp, North West Frontier 1908 (Lt. Colonel L.N. Herbert, 19th Punjabis)
g) Serbia, Kingdom, Order of the White Eagle, Military Division, Commander's neck Badge, 86mm including crown and crossed swords suspension x 50mm, silver-gilt and enamel, light contact marks overall, otherwise good very fine, with three photographic images of recipient in uniform (8) £2,500-3,500
Footnote: C.B. London Gazette 1.1.1917 Col, Lionel Norton Herbert, Indian Army
Serbia, Order of the White Eagle, 3rd Class (with Swords) London Gazette 15.2.1917 Colonel (temporary Brigadier-General) Lionel Norton Herbert, Indian Army.
Brigadier-General Lionel Norton Herbert, C.B. (1863-1928), commissioned Lieutenant, Royal Irish Regiment, 1882; appointed provisionally to the Bengal Staff Corps, 1884, and attached 22nd Punjab Native Infantry; Wing Officer 1886; appointed Quarter Master and Officiating Adjutant, 1887; Captain 1893; Wing Commander 1896; served with the regiment in the campaign on the North West Frontier under Lockhart, 1897-98, and served as Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General with the Malakand Brigade, when Brigadier-General Meiklejohn's camp came under attack from the forces of the fanatical Faqir; Herbert was severely wounded 27.7.1897, Meiklejohn's despatch (13.8.1897) gives the following:
'The enemy having over-powered the picquet on the Abbott (Graded) Road got on to the high ground in rear of the position from which they kept up a heavy fire all night, periodically charging with great determination right up to the Abattis which was lined by the Sappers and Miners. Twice they penetrated, once capturing the Quarter Guard, in which was all the ammunition of the company. It was in trying to stop this charge that Lieutenant Watling, temporarily in command of the company, was wounded by a man whom he ran through with his sword. The enemy overpowered the guard, and for a time held the guard-room, but were eventually driven out by a party of the 24th Punjab Infantry under Lieutenant Climo. Some of the enemy penetrated into the Commissariat Godown, and here they killed Honorary Lieutenant Manley, my Brigade Commissiariat Officer.
In the enclosure the fighting was very severe, for the enemy were on three sides of it, and fought with great determination, bringing a heavy cross fire on the defenders, and continually charging right up to the breast-works.
Lieutenant-Colonel Lamb, 24th Punjab Infantry, Major Herbert, my Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General, and Captain Holland, 24th Punjab Infantry, were all shot in this enclosure. The attack had been carried with great vigour from 10.30pm till 2.30am when the sounds of tomtoms and pipes approaching up the Graded Road indicated reinforcements coming to the enemy. The garrison of the enclosure was already hard pressed, and so I sent Lieutenant Rawlins, 24th Punjab Infantry, up to the fort to bring down 100 men from there. The enemy were all round the enclosure and there was every chance of his having to fight his way. He went with three orderlies and arrived back safely with the reinforcements. The fight lasted till 4.30am, when the enemy withdrew.'
Herbert was also present in the operations in Swat and Bajour including the night attack of Nawagai, September 1897; he also served with the Mohmand Field Force including the capture of Badmanai Pass and operations in the Mittai and Swan valleys; after fully recuperating from his wound Herbert was appointed Second in Command, 22nd Punjab Regiment, 18.11.1900; served as Officiating Commandant 19th Punjab Regiment in Tibet (Mentioned in Despatches Gazette of India No. 1065 of 1904), being appointed Commandant of the regiment, 4.4.1905; commanded the Derajat Brigade, from 4.4.1909; served during the Great War as Brigadier (in command) 65th Infantry Brigade, British Forces in Salonika, 8.5.1915-1.12.1916 (C.B.; M.I.D. London Gazette 6.12.1916); appointed Inspector of Depots, Mhow Division, 23.7.1918, before retiring the following July.
Provenance:
Glendinings, December 1991
4
The Scarce 'Tibet' C.B. Pair to Colonel M.A. Kerr, 8th Gurkhas, Who Commanded His Regiment Throughout the Campaign; During Which Lieutenant J.D. Grant, Of His Regiment, Was Awarded the Only V.C. for Tibet
a) The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Military Division, Companion's (C.B.) breast Badge, silver-gilt and enamel, with integral riband buckle
b) Tibet 1903-04, one clasp, Gyantse (Lieut. Col: M.A. Kerr, 8th Gurkha Rifles.), nearly extremely fine, mounted as originally worn (2) £4,500-5,500
Footnote: C.B. London Gazette 16.12.1904 Lieutenant-Colonel Mark Ancrum Kerr, Indian Army
'In recognition of services with the Tibet Mission Escort.'
Colonel Mark Ancrum Kerr, C.B., born 1859; the second son of William Walter Raleigh Kerr, Treasurer of Mauritius, and the great-grandson of the 5th Marquis of Lothian; commissioned Ensign Leicestershire Regiment, 1879; transferred to the Indian Army and advanced Captain 1890; Major 8th Gurkhas, 1899; Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel and Regimental Commandant, 31.3.1902; Kerr commanded his regiment during the Tibet Mission Escort, 1904, and they distinguished themselves in particular during the capture of Niani and the storming of Gyantse, when Lieutenant Grant won the Victoria Cross for his gallantry.
The Tibet campaign was very challenging for a number of reasons, as these 'operations... had to be carried out in the face of exceptional national and climatic difficulties. The theatre of operations was on the whole singularly barren and sterile...the operations had to be carried out at an average altitude of 14,000 feet, while the troops had more than once to fight at altitudes of 17,000 to 18,000 feet... The roads also were execrable and their improvement when the soil was frost-bound a work of extreme labour.' (Brigadier-General J.R.L. Macdonald, C.B., Commanding Tibet Mission Escort, despatch of 9.10.1904 refers).
Kerr and his men were heavily involved in the third phase of operations in the advance to Gyantse and then to Lhasa, 13th June-3rd August, 'the enemy had by this time collected against us a force of 16,000 men. They had several small cannon, some 30 jingals and wall pieces, and 800 breech-loaders, while the balance were armed with matchlocks. They were distributed as follows:
At Gyantse 8,000; at Niani, holding the Kangma-Gyantse road 800; at Niru, 15 miles east of Kangma and guarding the Kangma-Ralung road, 800; at Gubshi, 18 miles east of Gyantse and guarding the Lhasa road, 1,200; at Tsechen, guarding the Gyantse-Shigatse road, 1,200, with a support of 2,500 men at Dongtse. All these bodies held strongly fortified positions, and a further force of 1,500 was at or en route to Kharola, which was also fortified.
On the 23rd June I detailed 500 infantry with 2 guns and 50 mounted troops to attack Niru. The enemy, however, hastily withdrew and retired.... The same day I occupied the outlet of the Zamdang Gorge with 250 men who entrenched themselves.
On the 24th the first-named detachment rejoined, and on the 25th June the march on Gyantse was resumed and the enemy located in a strong position at Niani where they had been reinforced from Gyantse. On the 26th June the enemy were driven from Niani after a sharp action... and Gyantse was reached the same day.' (Ibid)
Kerr was present for the action at Niani. The latter was a fortified monastery just beyond the Red Idol Gorge. The monastery was captured after an intense four-hour fight. The tents of the relief force where pitched on the evening of the 26th June on the plane before Gyantse Fort. The main assault on Gyantse was launched in the small hours of the 6th July, 'three columns of infantry feeling their way in the darkness through the fringe of gardens and mean suburbs round the base of the great rock on which the Fort stood.' (Bayonets to Lhasa, P. Fleming refers)
Having reached an impasse by the early afternoon, 'Colonel Campbell of the 40th Pathans, in command of the storming parties, put up with some urgency a plan for an assault on the eastern corner of the Fort, below which it appeared that the rock, slightly less precipitous than elsewhere, might prove scaleable... Soon after 1500 hours the ten-pounders went into action against the thick walls of the Fort where they overlooked this daunting approach-route.... round after round shreiked through the sunlight to burst with admired precision on the target, and soon, through the cloud of dust made by their impact, the fascinated onlookers could see a black and steadily widening hole appear in the great stone bastion above them.
Presently a dull explosion was heard from inside the Fort as a powder-magazine went up. The Tibetan fire, which had been furious, immediately slackened off, and two companies - one from the 8th Gurkhas, the other from the Royal Fusiliers - debouched from Palla, charged across open ground to the base of the rock and began to climb.
The Gurkhas, much apter for this sort of work than the Fusiliers, led the way. As they clambered painfully upwards the guns still pounded at their objective, dislodging masses of masonry which crashed and slithered down the semi-precipice, taking some of the climbers with them. More rocks were hurled by the defenders. Muskets enfiladed them from out-jutting turrets.
But the Gurkhas went on, and at last their commander, Lieutenant Grant, his havildar and a handful of men reached a point immediately below the breach. Further progress could be made only by one man at a time, crawling on hands and knees. From the plain bugles sounded the cease-fire; the guns fell silent, and Grant went up. In the mouth of the breach he was hit by a bullet. So was the havildar, close behind him. Both men glissaded down the rock for a distance of thirty feet. They picked themselves up and went at it again. The watchers below saw them disappear into the reeking cavern, followed by the riflemen at their heels. Almost immediately there were signs that Tibetan resistance was at an end. Bent figures were seen dodging away along the battlements; the jingals ceased to boom; here and there ropes were dangled from embrasures and men slid down them, seeking shelter in the warren on buildings to the north of the rock, as yet untouched by war. There was no more fighting.' (Ibid)
Six companies of Kerr's regiment proceeded to Lhasa and the Forbidden City was taken. Kerr was awarded the C.B. for the campaign, Mentioned in Macdonald's Despatches (London Gazette 13.4.1904) and advanced Lieutenant-Colonel 1.6.1904; Colonel 6.6.1907.
5
The Great War 'Gallipoli' C.M.G. Group of Twelve to Lieutenant-Colonel H.F.N. Jourdain, Connaught Rangers, Who Raised and Commanded the 5th Battalion 1915-18, and was The Last Colonel of the 2nd Battalion of the Regiment Prior to Their Disbandment in 1922. Throughout His Life He Was a Noted Medal Collector and Later The Regimental Historian
a) The Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, Companion's (C.M.G.) breast Badge, subsequently converted for neck wear, silver-gilt and enamel
b) The Most Venerable Order of St. John, Officer's breast Badge, silver and enamel
c) Queen's South Africa 1899-1902, five clasps, Cape Colony, Tugela Heights, Orange Free State, Relief of Ladysmith, Transvaal, top lugs removed (Lieut. H.F.N. Jourdain, 1st Connaught Rang:)
d) King's South Africa 1901-02, two clasps, top lugs removed (Cpt. H.F.N. Jourdain. Con. Rang.)
e) 1914-15 Star (Lt. Col. H.F.N. Jourdain. Conn. Rang.)
f) British War and Victory Medals, M.I.D. Oakleaves (Lt. Col. H.F.N. Jourdain.)
g) Order of the League of Mercy, Member's breast Badge, silver-gilt and enamel, with Second Award 'For Long Service' Bar
h) Yugoslavia, Kingdom, Cross of the Yugoslav Reconnaissance, silver and enamel, reverse engraved 'Lieut. Colonel H.F.N. Jourdain C.M.G.'
i) France, Republic, Institut Historique de France Great Gold Medal, neck Badge, silver-gilt and enamel
j) France, Republic, Order of the Academic Palms, Chevalier's breast Badge, silver and enamel
k) France, Republic, Medal of Haute-Silesie, bronze, lacquered, nearly extremely fine, mounted court style as worn, together with the following related items:
- The recipient's group of ten miniature awards, comprising a) to i) above, the C.M.G. badge in gold, with integral riband buckle, mounted court style as worn, together with a loose miniature of the French Order of the Academic Palms
- A signed copy of the recipient's memoirs, Ranging Memories, by Lieutenant-Colonel H.F.N. Jourdain, C.M.G., privately published, 1934
- The recipient's Association of Officers and Invalided Yugoslav Combatants of the Great War membership card
- Various photographs of the recipient, including one housed in a circular silver (Hallmarks for Birmingham 1907) photograph frame
- Various newspaper cuttings regarding the recipient's career and death
- Order of the League of Mercy, Member's Badge, silver-gilt and enamel, attributed to Mrs. Jourdain, on Ladies bow riband (lot) £2,500-3,000
Footnote: C.M.G. London Gazette 2.2.1916 Major (temporary Lieutenant-Colonel) Henry Francis Newdigate Jourdain, Connaught Rangers
'For services rendered in connection with military operations in the Field.'
M.I.D. London Gazette 28.1.1916 Major (temporary Lieutenant-Colonel) H.F.N. Jourdain, Connaught Rangers.
Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Francis Newdigate Jourdain, C.M.G., was born in March 1872, the fourth son of the Reverend F. Jourdain, Vicar of Ashbourne, and was educated at Queen Elizabeth Grammar School, Ashbourne; Derby School; and the Royal Military College, Sandhurst. He was commissioned Second Lieutenant in the Connaught Rangers, February 1893, and promoted Lieutenant the following August, and served with the Regiment through the whole of the Boer War, during which he computed that he marched 4,774 miles; was present at the battles of Spion Kop and Colenso, and the Relief of Ladysmith; and was promoted Captain, 21.8.1900. 'At the end of the War I had more service with the Battalion than any other officer, and had been out from the first. I had been specially recommended by Lord Kitchener in 1901 as "specially deserving for extra-regimental promotion". At the conclusion of the war I was put head of the list by my C.O. for a D.S.O. as a reward for continuous service throughout the war. I was finally selected to proceed home in charge of the Coronation Contingent. When we reached Southampton we heard of the serious operation on H.M. King Edward VII, and were sent away on six weeks' leave. The Coronation Medals, which had been marked for us, were handed out to others in August 1902.' (Ranging Memories, by the recipient refers).
Advanced Major, 10.4.1912, on the outbreak of the Great War Jourdain personally raised the 5th Battalion, Connaught Rangers, and went with them to Gallipoli in 1915: 'We left Plymouth for the Dardanelles on the 9th July 1915, in the 'Bornu', an old tub of a boat that finally sank in a storm off the coast of Portugal. After a very long voyage, in which the old tub only averaged 9 miles an hour, we reached Mudros on the 28th July, before re-embarking for Anzac Cove. Disembarking at 3:00am on the 6th August, it was a race to reach the shore before day broke, and when we got to the shore, the Naval Officers were most careful of our safety, almost hissing at us the disagreeable fact that so and so had been killed on that spot only a few hours before. In Gallipoli every minute might be your last. The 5th Battalion bore its first day of fire in Shrapnel Gulley very well, although countless bullets fell from beyond Lone Pine among us. Of cover we had none, nor could any be got anywhere; for the four days during which we supported the Australians behind Lone Pine we simply lay out in the open. But we managed to render some help to the gallant Australians. I had no sleep of any kind for three nights, and the days were too much occupied and were too hot for sleep or even food. But the men I had trained were grand, and the officers as well. There is no other name for what they did.' (ibid).
After Gallipoli, Jourdain served with his Battalion in Serbia and Salonika, as part of the Tenth Irish Division. After the retreat from Gallipoli, he served in France and Belgium, including the Battle of Messines Ridge and the third Battle of Ypres, and was awarded a C.M.G. Promoted substantive Lieutenant-Colonel, 19.1.1918, at the end of the War Jourdain was given the command of the 2nd Battalion. Affairs in Central Europe called him into action again in 1921, and he served with the Battalion during the incident in Upper Silesia. The Inter-Allied Commission of Control afterwards granted a medal for the operations, and both the Italian and French troops present accepted and wore the medal, but this was not allowed by the War Office for the British troops.
Disbandment
'On the 11th June, 1922, the Colours of the 2nd Battalion left Dover, and the 1st Battalion Colour party joined them at Shorncliffe, and after a night in Wellington Barracks all the Colour parties of the Southern Irish Regiments proceeded to Windsor and were received by His Majesty in St. George's Hall, where he graciously received the Colours of the five gallant Southern Irish Regiments which for centuries had done so much for the formation and consolidation of the British Empire. His Majesty talked to me for several minutes, telling me how much he deplored the need for disbanding his splendid Irish Regiments. He was visibly affected as he spoke. After the detachments had returned to their places, the Officers returned their swords, and one and all filed past His Majesty. And so, with the touching and mournful ceremony at Windsor, and the consequent dispersal to different Regiments, the Reserve, or to retired pay and pension, the disbandment became an accomplished fact. On the 31st July 1922 the Connaught Rangers officially ceased to exist.' (ibid).
Lieutenant-Colonel Jourdain retired from the Army two weeks later. Soon after he was approached by Michael Collins to become Director of Training of the Free State Army, but following Collins's murder the proposal fell through. In retirement he was devoted the rest of his life to assembling and producing historical records of former Connaught Rangers (many of whose medals he had in his collection). He was largely responsible for the history of the Regiment published in 1924, and was editor of the Regimental magazine, The Ranger, for over 40 years. For his long services to military history he was awarded the Great Gold Medal of the Institut Historique de France in 1934, and created a Chevalier of the French Order of the Academic Palms. Lieutenant-Colonel Jourdain, the Last Colonel of the Connaught Rangers, died in Oxford on the 29th January 1968.
A Regimental Collector
Throughout his life Lieutenant-Colonel Jourdain was a keen medal collector. In 1893, having been Commissioned into the Connaught Rangers as a Second Lieutenant, he made his first purchase, a Crimea pair to Private H. Sullivan, Connaught Rangers, who had served at the Battle of Inkermann. The following year he added four more medals to his collection- another Crimea, an Indian Mutiny, and a South Africa 1877-79 to both Battalions, the old 88th and 94th Foot. But it was in 1895 that the collection really took off, with the purchase of 14 medals. Early in that year he met up with the daughter of Surgeon Purdon, who had served with the 88th during the Napoleonic Wars, and from her purchased his first Military General Service Medal, for £6 10s., a large sum of money at the time. Also purchased that year were a nine clasp MGS to M. Travers, 88th Foot, for which he paid £11 8s, and a couple of Indian Mutiny medals, including one with the clasp Lucknow awarded to Ensign Lindsay, and unique to the 88th Foot. Over the next two years another forty-two medals were purchased, including his first gallantry award, a Crimea DCM group to M. Burke, 88th Foot- ultimately the collection ended up housing no fewer than eleven DCMs, including one for the First Boer War in 1881. In 1898 twenty six new medals were added to the collection, and, unusually for the time, Jourdain had managed to research the majority of the recipients- one Indian Mutiny recipient is noted as having two sons in the Regiment, one of whom was court-martialled and sentenced to six months for writing an anonymous letter to his Colonel (presumably the letter was not anonymous enough!) Four more MGS were bought that year, including a five clasp one to Thomas Holmes, and a nine clasp award to W. Cunningham, both 'bought by weight'.
In 1899 Jourdain left for South Africa, and no new medals were added to his collection until his return home in 1902, apart from, of course, the two medals which he himself was awarded. After the Boer War medals were added to the collection in quick succession- as if to make up for lost time 21 medals alone were bought in the second half of 1902. A fine Crimea officer's group, comprising a three clasp Crimea Medal, Legion of Honour, Order of Medjidieh, and Turkish Crimea Medal to Captain Beresford cost his £7 5s. As today, medals for the conflict just finished were over-priced, and a five clasp QSA set him back £3 5s, although before the year had ended he bought two more, each for £1 10s. He also added the Boer War DCM to W. Lennon, for £4 15s. In 1903 sixteen medals were bought, including two eleven-clasp MGS, one for £25 10s, the other a pound more expensive. Boer War Medals were still over-priced at this period, as a QSA and KSA pair were bought for £2 6s 6d. In 1906 he purchased the centrepiece of his collection, the Zulu War Victoria Cross pair to Private F. Fitzpatrick, 94th Foot, purchased at Sotheby's for £42.
For the rest of his life Lieutenant-Colonel Jourdain added to his collection, publishing two books along the way ('Some Regimental Medals of the 88th and 94th Regiments' in 1923, and 'Medals and Decorations of the Connaught Rangers' in 1933), and ultimately ended up with over 500 groups and singles, many of which were bought from Spink, all to his beloved Connaught Rangers.
6
The Superb Great War 1915 'Western Front' C.M.G. Group of Seven to Lieutenant-Colonel G.F. Steele, Commanding Officer of the Royal Dragoons, Who Was Mortally Wounded During the Attack on the Frezenberg Ridge, Ypres, 13.5.1915
a) The Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, Companion's (C.M.G.) breast Badge, silver-gilt and enamel, with riband buckle
b) Queen's South Africa 1899-1902, six clasps, Tugela Heights, Orange Free State, Relief of Ladysmith, Laing's Nek, Transvaal, Cape Colony, fourth clasp a tailor's copy, clasp facings removed and remounted to facilitate wear (Maj & Adjt: G.F. Steele. 1/R.D.)
c) King's South Africa 1901-02, two clasps, clasp facings removed and remounted to facilitate wear (Maj & Adjt G.F. Steele. Rl. Drgns.), suspension re-pinned
d) 1914 Star (Lt: Col: G.F. Steele. 1/Dns.)
e) British War and Victory Medals (Lt. Col. G.F. Steele.)
f) Germany, Prussia, Order of the Red Eagle, Third Class breast Badge, by Wagner, Berlin, 37mm, gold and enamel, maker's mark to base of cross, minor enamel damage to central medallion on last, generally good very fine or better, with the following related items:
- The recipient's Great War Bronze Memorial Plaque (George Frederick Steele)
- The recipient's Great War Memorial Scroll, named to 'Lt. Col. George Frederick Steel, C.M.G. Royal Dragoons', this slightly damaged, with fragment of Buckingham Palace enclosure
- The recipient's three pre-Great War miniature awards (QSA, KSA, and Order of the Red Eagle)
- Bestowal Document for the Order of St. Michael and St. George, C.M.G., named to Lieutenant-Colonel George Frederick Steele, and dated 18.2.1915
- Bestowal Document for the Order of the Red Eagle, named to Major und Adjudanten George Frederick Steele, and dated 8.12.1902, together with Buckingham Palace Private Permission to wear document, both slightly damaged
- Ceremonial Swagger Stick, by Sy and Wagner, Berlin, the silver top bearing the Regimental crest, and inscribed 'Presented by the Colonel in Chief H.I.M. the German Emperor William II. January 1904'
- The recipient's silver cigarette box, the outside inscribed with his various postings, covering the period 8.10.1892- 4.2.1913; the inside with dates of his Commission, promotions, and appointments within the Royal Dragoons, silver (Hallmarks for Birmingham 1891), and containing a lock of the recipient's hair
- The recipient's Royal Dragoons officer's shoulder-belt and pouch, the gold-laced belt having ornate gilt buckle, tip, and slide, the engraved silver pouch-flap bearing crowned GR cypher mounted with small Imperial Eagle in silver
- The recipient's sword, with regulation pierced steel guard and fishskin grip, in leather scabbard (lot) £2,500-3,500
Footnote: C.M.G. London Gazette 18.2.1915 Lieutenant-Colonel G. F. Steele, 1st (Royal) Dragoons
'For services rendered in connection with Operations in the Field.'
Lieutenant-Colonel George Frederick Steele, C.M.G., was born in March 1871, and educated at the Royal Military College, Sandhurst. Commissioned Second Lieutenant in the Royal Dragoons, September 1892, he was promoted Lieutenant the following November 1893, and after posting with the Regiment to York, Dublin, and Aldershot, he was appointed Adjutant in December 1898, before being promoted Captain in May 1899. Steele served with the Regiment in South Africa from November 1899, and was present at the Relief of Ladysmith, including the action at Colenso; the operations of the 5-7.2.1900, and the action at Val Kranz; the operations at Tugela Heights, 14-27.2.1900, and the actions at Pieters Hill; he took part in the operations in Natal, March to June 1900; in the Orange River Colony, June to November 1900; in the Transvaal, January to August 1901; in the Orange River Colony, August 1901 to March 1902; back in the Transvaal, March to May 1902; and in the Cape Colony, May 1902 (Twice Mentioned in Despatches, London Gazettes 8.2.1901 and 10.9.1901, and promoted Brevet Major, 29.11.1900).
On his return from South Africa Major Steele went with his Regiment to Shorncliffe, where they were inspected by the Regiment's Colonel in Chief, His Imperial Majesty Kaiser Wilhelm II, Emperor of Germany, and was presented with the Prussian Order of the Red Eagle, 8.12.1902, before going out with the Royal Dragoons to India in January 1904. Promoted Major, 1.10.1904, he then moved with the Regiment to South Africa in November 1911, and was appointed Commanding Officer of the Regiment, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, 2.2.1914.
On the outbreak of the Great War the Regiment was recalled from South Africa to England, arriving home in September 1914. As their Commanding Officer, Steele went with them to France, where they formed part of the 6th Cavalry Brigade, 3rd Cavalry Division, landing at Ostend, 8.10.1914. Having been appointed a Companion of the Order of St. Michael and St. George in February 1915, Steele was, according to family tradition, invited back to England in early May to receive the award, but instead chose to remain with his men at the front for another month. Shortly afterwards he was mortally wounded leading his men during the attack on the Frezenberg Ridge, Ypres, 13.5.1915, when the 3rd Cavalry Division were called upon to relieve the 28th Division, 'during which shell fire and rain fell without ceasing from early dawn until night... the shrapnel and the machine-gun fire made it impossible for all to reach the old line, or for anyone to remain there, as the trenches were soon reduced to a quagmire, and a new line a thousand yards in rear, consisting chiefly of shell holes on a long reverse slope, was occupied. In the very severe fighting the cavalry lost heavily, with no fewer than one Brigadier and seven Commanding Officers becoming casualties.' (Official History of the War refers). Lieutenant-Colonel Steele was one of those Commanding Officers wounded; he would die of his wounds ten days later, 23.5.1915, and is buried in Bailleul Communal Cemetery, France.
7
The Unique and Extremely Well Documented 'Defence of Legations' D.S.O., 'Great War' O.B.E. Group of Eleven to Lieutenant Colonel F.G. Poole, East Yorkshire Regiment, Later Middlesex Regiment, Who Commanded the International Volunteers in Peking and Was Wounded During the Defence; His Most Graphic Diary, and That of His Brother, Dr. Wordsworth Poole, Provide Great Historical Insight into Their Adventures in Africa and China
a) Distinguished Service Order, V.R., silver-gilt and enamel, with integral top riband bar
b) The Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, 1st type, Military Division, Officer's (O.B.E.) breast Badge, silver-gilt (Hallmarks for London 1919)
c) Central Africa 1891-98, 2nd type, one clasp, Central Africa 1894-98 (Lt. F.G. Poole. E. York. R.), officially engraved in upright serif capitals
d) China 1900, one clasp, Defence of Legations (Capt F.G. Poole, D.S.O. E. York Rgt:), officially engraved in sloping serif letters
e) India General Service 1908-35, G.V.R., Calcutta Mint, one clasp, Abor 1911-12 (Captain F.G. Poole D.S.O. 2d. Bn: East Yorkshire Regt.), officially engraved in sloping serif letters, partially officially corrected
f) 1914-15 Star (Major F.G. Poole. D.S.O. Midd'x R.) g) British War and Victory Medals, M.I.D. Oakleaves (Major F.G. Poole.)
h) Jubilee 1935
i) Cadet Forces Medal, G.VI.R. (Cadet Col. F.G. Poole. D.S.O. O.B.E.)
j) Turkey, Ottoman Empire, Order of Osmanieh, Fourth Class breast Badge, 80mm including Star and Crescent suspension x 63mm, silver-gilt, silver, and enamel, with rosette on riband, clasp backstraps removed on medals to facilitate court-style mounting, lacquered, generally nearly extremely fine, a unique combination, mounted court style and housed in a Spink, London, fitted leather case, the lid embossed 'F.G.P.', and with the following related items and documents:
- Peking Siege Commemoration Medal 1900, by J. Taylor Foot, 57mm, bronze, obverse showing the Ch'ien Men engulfed in flames, with the cannon 'Betsy' below, and the inscription 'Junii XX - Augusti XIV, A.D. MDCCCC'; reverse showing the personifications of Europe, America, and Japan clasping hands, trampling on the Imperial Chinese Dragon, and the inscription 'Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin. Ichabod!', the edge impressed 'Captain F.G. Poole. D.S.O.', (ref. BHM 3672), in fitted leather case of issue, the lid embossed 'Peking Siege 1900. Capt. F.G. Poole, D.S.O.'
- 'Diary in Peking', the recipient's hand-written diary of his time in Peking, covering the period 20.5.1900 - 10.10.1900 in detail, with some later sporadic entries from 10.12.1900 - 31.12.1901, with various sketch maps
- 'With the Abor Expeditionary Force', the recipient's account of the Expedition written under the pseudonym 'Wanderer' for 'Blackwood's Magazine', privately bound
- Copies of various Confidential Intelligence Reports written by the recipient, including 'The German as a Campaigner in China'; 'Report on a Journey to Constantinople, via Sofia to Belgrade, to the Iron Gates of the Danube, thence into Hungary, 1906'; 'Notes on a Journey in Tripoli, Tunisia, Algeria, Tangiers, and Casablanca, 1908'; 'The French North African Cavalry, 1908'; 'Notes on a Journey in Palestine, Syria, Asia Minor, Turkey, the Black Sea, and Caucasia, 1909', together with various letters of acknowledgement from Whitehall and Simla
- Copy of The Die Hards, The Journal of the Middlesex Regiment, March 1951, containing the recipient's obituary
- Various photographic images of Peking at the time of the Siege
Peking Siege Medal and Diary of Dr. Wordsworth Poole, C.M.G., Physician to the British Legation
- Peking Siege Commemoration Medal 1900, by J. Taylor Foot, 57mm, bronze, the edge impressed 'Dr. Wordsworth Poole. C.M.G.'
- Two Volumes of the recipient's hand-written Diaries, covering the period 14.1.1896 - 29.11.1901, detailing his time in Africa and Peking up until his death, with various sketch maps (lot) £20,000-25,000
Footnote: D.S.O. London Gazette 25.7.1901 Captain Francis Gordon [sic] Poole, the East Yorkshire Regiment
'In recognition of services during the recent operations in China.'
O.B.E. London Gazette 3.6.1919 Poole, Maj. Francis Garden, D.S.O., Midd'x R.
'For valuable services rendered in connection with military operations in France.'
Turkish Order of the Osmanieh, Fourth Class London Gazette 28.6.1910 Captain Francis Garden Poole, D.S.O., East Yorkshire Regiment
'In recognition of valuable services rendered.'
Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Garden Poole, D.S.O., O.B.E., was born 24.6.1870, the younger son of the Reverend S.W. Poole, M.D., of St. Mark's, Cambridge, and was educated at Cambridge and the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst. Following Sandhurst, he was commissioned Second Lieutenant in the East Yorkshire Regiment, 20.2.1892, and was promoted Lieutenant, 1.3.1896.
Service in Central Africa
In January 1896, Poole's elder brother, Dr. Wordsworth Poole, joined the Administration of the British Central Africa Protectorate as Second Medical Officer. Within a fortnight of his arrival at Zomba, the capital of British Central Africa, he had received a letter from his brother, who at the time was in Cairo, enjoying his first taste of the African Continent. The opportunity for Francis to join his elder brother soon arose: 'Edwards' [Major C.E. Edwards] scheme of 8 Officers has received H.M. Commissioner's sanction. Edwards greatly delighted to be able to say that he has 8 Officers under him. I wrote to Francis telling him of this, and that Edwards will ask for him at the War Office so that it is very possible that Francis will be out here this year' (Dr. Wordsworth Poole's Diary, dated 4.2.1896, refers). By June 1896, Francis's appointment appears to have been confirmed: 'New mail came in- letter from Aunt Isobel regarding gun. She is sending a .500 out with Francis' (W.P. Diary, 22.6.1896 refers). Francis himself arrived at Zomba at the start of December: 'Francis arrived at night with his Zanzibari. Looks and says he is fit. Delighted to see him, he has later news of home than I have.' (W.P. Diary, 2.12.1896 refers). A week later, 'Francis left for Fort Lister. He is to raise of Company there' (W.P. Diary, 11.12.1896 refers). The Company that he succeeded in raising ultimately formed part of the 1st Battalion, Central African Rifles, the fore-runner to the famous King's African Rifles.
Early in 1897, Francis Poole, like almost all the Europeans in Central Africa, was struck down by fever: 'Last night news came that Francis at Fort Lister had a bad go of fever. Temperature 105 and delirious, so early this morning I left, not in the most cheerful of spirits. In fact there was a heavy feeling that I should not find him alive when I got there. Arrived and found Francis very weak and slightly delirious. Had a temperature of 106.' (W.P. Diary, 4.1.1897 refers). 'A terrible day- his throat filled with mucus, there were muscular tremors, his jaw dropped, and a hoarse cry came out from his throat. Temperature 107.2. I thought it was the end. What would mother and father say if he died, and I felt responsible for him having got him out here.' (W.P. Diary, 5.1.1897 refers). Fortunately though, Francis slowly recovered, and by the 15th January was well enough for Wordsworth to return to Zomba. Francis himself remained with his Company at Fort Lister, and served with them in August of that year against Chief Serumba of the Anguru, during the Lake Chilwa Expedition in Central Africa, and in January and February the following year in operations against Paramount Chief Mpezeni of the Ngoni tribe in North Eastern Rhodesia, receiving the Central Africa Medal.
Plans for China
Dr. Wordsworth Poole returned to England on leave in June 1899, having spent the past 18 months serving as Principal Medical Officer to the Niger Expedition under Colonel Lugard. His options were:
'1. Another billet from Colonial Office in a healthy climate. Such a billet as would be worth my while accepting would probably be a long time turnin g up.
2. Stay at home and try and get on Tropical School of Medicine- but pay poor.
3. Foreign Office said there was a possibility of post of physician to Legation at Peking falling vacant. Worth about £700 a year. Climate good. Drawbacks to this appointment not allowed private practice; so few members in Legation that one's medical knowledge would completely rust; and no further advancement. But an easy well paid billet. My prospects in Nigeria were good- whether it will be possible or politic to go back to Nigeria after say 2 years in Peking is a question that will probably present itself later.' (W.P. Diary, 6.6.1899 refers).
The Peking job did fall vacant, and, having been offered it by the Foreign Office, Wordsworth accepted it on the 22nd August.
Soon after, Lieutenant Francis Poole returned to England: 'I found him looking unwell. He must have had a terrible time in B.C.A. Yellowish, too fat below the belt, and unable to take much exercise.' (W.P. Diary refers). In November he went before a Medical Board, and was pronounced fit, before sitting his Captain's exams. He passed in all but one subject. Like his brother, he contemplated his future options:
'1. Exchange into another Regiment going to the Transvaal with the chance of getting Captaincy.
2. China, to learn Chinese as Officers are desired by War Office.
3. Return to Regiment in India.' (W.P. Diary refers).
On the 18th November, 1899, Dr. Wordsworth Poole left Charing Cross for Peking, arriving on the 30th December. The following day, as he settled in, a telegram arrived for him: "Poole, British Legation, Peking. Following from Lord Chamberlain: Queen Pleased appoint you Companion Michael George Services West Africa." As he wrote that night in his diary: 'Ain't it good biz at 32!' (W.P. Diary, 31.12.1899 refers). After two months settling in, making calls, and even having an Audience with the Emperor, March began with two bits of good news: 'Francis is coming out to China as they won't give him a chance in the Transvaal. He has already started learning the lingo and thinks he will be out here about the middle of May. The latest news also received is that Buller has relieved Ladysmith.' (W.P. Diary, 1.3.1900 refers).
The prospect of Francis's arrival particularly pleased Wordsworth- by May life in the Legation Quarter was proving a disappointment, with no prospect of any excitement in the offing: 'The desire for Africa comes over me fairly strongly at times. To be pent up within these 4 Legation walls looking after babies who get indigestion, and to be herded together in the city whilst there is the wind in the open and game in the thickets, fame and fever in fascinating Africa, is no life for a man.' (W.P. Diary, 14.5.1900 refers).
Arrival in Peking
Having Left England on the 31st March, and advanced to the supernumerary rank of Captain, Francis Poole arrived in Peking on the 20th May. He could not have picked a more in-opportune moment: 'Arrived at 2:45. Met by Wordsworth, take up my quarters in his house in H.B.M. Legation. Peking a city of the worst smells imaginable, and magnificent crumbling walls and gates. H.B.M. Legation a charming spot. All talk is about an anti-foreign society called Boxers who are strong in the Northern Provinces and have killed one of the C. of E. Missionaries. They are said to be moving towards Peking. A Meeting of Ministers was held today regarding guards for the Legation.' (Francis Poole's Diary, dated 20.5.1900, refers). 'Boxer scare increasing, interfering with the Legations moving to the hills... Boxers have got hold of Pao Tsing Fu and burnt railway stock there. I have received orders to organise a defence scheme for the Legation, count ammunition &c. 25 Europeans in all, about half a dozen who can shoot... Great scare, outlying mission stations very uneasy, Chinese insolent and throw stones at Foreigners- served out rifles and ammunition to the British student interpreters and Legation staff. All on guard, was up all night looking after things patrolling around Legation. Am in Military charge.' (F.P. Diary, 26-28.5.1900 refers).
Things were now getting distinctly uneasy, at a joint meeting of all the Legation Ministers on the 28th May it was decided to request that additional guards be sent from the various foreign fleets stationed on and off the Chinese coast. Many of the foreign community were worried that the guards would arrive too late, especially if the Boxers destroyed the railway, but on the 31st May the first contingents left Tientsin for Peking. The British contingent consisted of three Officers and 76 men of the Royal Marine Light Infantry, and three Royal Navy ratings. There should have been 100 Britons, but the Russians, unable to muster that number themselves, had objected to this pre-eminence at Tientsin railway station and forced the British to scale their contingent down. It was hardly an auspicious start. But their arrival in Peking was certainly a most welcome sight: 'Everybody went down to meet the guards late in the afternoon. French, American, Russian, Japanese, Italian, and British. Ours and the Americans were marines, the remainder bluejackets, in all about 300, ours naturally the smartest. What a sight Foreign troops marching through old Peking walls. Chinese thronging and looking on in awe.' (F.P. Diary, 31.5.1900 refers).
A period of calm now ensued, which was enough for Sir Claude MacDonald, the British Minister, to send a note to Admiral Seymour, the Commander of the Royal Navy's China Squadron, to say that the Legations would be the very last place to be attacked. However, the tranquillity was deceptive, and on the 6th June a Council of War was called: 'Conseil de Guerre, Captain Strouts in in command, Halliday and Wray his subordinates. Strouts and I talked over and Inter-Legation plan of defence with Officers of other guards. Americans and Russians to hold Legation Street south of canal and to fall back on us if pushed. French, German, Spanish, Japanese, Italians to fall back on French, but everyone to hold his own Legation as long as possible.' (F.P. Diary, 6.6.1900 refers). By the 13th June, the situation had become '...decidedly blue. Fires in all quarters of the city, mission compounds being burnt, shots fired down Legation Street. I take a Corporal and six Marines and rush off to the North Bridge where I prevent any Chinese coming into Legation quarters, and held up a troop of Imperial Cavalry. I think the row has begun. At midnight the Austrian picket opened fire with their machine gun at what they said were Boxers but they killed none, and after that the French, Russians, and Italian squibbed at shadows. We shall have a lot of trouble with these irresponsible, jumpy folk. I stayed on guard all night and was relieved by Wray on the bridge as the picket was strengthened. The Americans have sent a guard to the Methodist station. Everywhere Christians are being murdered by the Boxers.' (F.P. Diary, 13.6.1900 refers). The following day Poole was again on guard on the bridge all afternoon, and that evening at around 10:30pm a party of around 100 Boxers attacked his picket, but were successfully repulsed. On the 15th June he took over Captain Halliday's Picket ('A very responsible billet this'), as the latter, 'with Marines of all nationalities, went out to fetch in Christians under escort. At Nantung R.C. Mission they killed a lot of Boxers, who were massacring Christians and looting.' (F.P. Diary, 15.6.1900 refers). On the 17th June events took another turn for the worse, as the Chinese Imperial troops, with whom Britain and the other Powers were still officially at peace with, fired on Poole's Picket on the North Bridge for the first time: 'Alarm sounded on the North Bridge, and shots whizzed over our head, fired from the Imperial City. We sent a patrol out from the North Bridge and they were fired at and retired; our picket was strengthened and the firing continued for some time. I'm afraid we are in for it. We built a barricade near the Legation along the canal road and put our machine gun here.' (F.P. Diary, 17.6.1900 refers). Two days later Poole was at his usual post on the North Bridge when 'at midday 150 Chinese Imperial troops marched onto the Bridge and said they had come to protect us(?) You know the sort of protection that I mean, a horrible lot of scallywags. They are a few yards off us, and appear friendly, but we take it all with a grain of salt. In the afternoon an item of news reached me which caused my heart to stand still: we have received an ultimatum from the Chinese Government saying that within 24 hours all the diplomatic bodies from Peking will have to leave for Tientsin, and that escorts will be provided. I do trust that the Ministers will refuse to leave Peking and hold onto their Legations, as heaven help us looking after all these helpless women and children through a hostile country. I also suspect that were we to leave here, we would fall into a Chinese trap, and history would repeat itself with a repetition of Nana Sahib's massacre [at Cawnpore, during the Indian Mutiny]. So it's War with China.' (F.P. Diary, 19.6.1900 refers).
Siege of Legations
'After relieving Halliday on the Bridge, at 10:30am Strouts came and ordered me to withdraw my picket to the Legation- he says Baron von Ketteler, the German Minister, has been murdered by the Chinese, so all women and children of all nationalities are to come into our Legation and that the siege will begin. We built a barricade outside the main gate, and I returned to find women and children streaming in, with carts, coolies, and stores. I am turned out of my room and take up camp with my rifle by my side, quite like old times. Wordsworth gets ready his hospital. This does away with all thought of leaving Peking, so we must hold out till relief comes at all costs. At 4:00pm I heard firing from the north stables, the furthest advance post in my section of defence, and rushed there, and found four Chinese cavalrymen firing on us. These cavalrymen were reinforced by some dozen infantry who opened fire; also fire was opened from the Imperial wall and continued till dark. I had six marines with me and we returned fire when we could, the men behaved very coolly, very keen. Firing all night, sniping round the Mongol Market, fighting in the Austrian quarter. On duty all night, and so the siege begins.' (F.P. Diary, 20.6.1900 refers). For his gallantry on duty that day and night, Poole was Mentioned in Despatches (London Gazette 11.12.1900).
On the 22nd June an unsuccessful attempt was made to burn the British Legation at the south west corner. 'At 3:00 this afternoon the enemy set fire under heavy firing to a house on the south west corner near the stable. They were trying to set fire to our own Legation- the fire bell tolled, and the alarm sounded, confusion at first but then everyone turned to and knocked down houses and worked like devils under a deafening fire from the enemy, who were driven back.' (F.P. Diary 22.6.1900 refers). Fearing that they might try and burn the British Legation down from the Hanlin Academy to the north, Poole was again to the fore: 'With Strouts leave at dusk I got a party of 15 Marines, climbed over the wall by ladders, and lowered them the other side. The first European, I fancy, to ever enter the Hanlin was myself. We reconnoitred through the whole place right to the canal road, but found nobody. Returned, reported place clear to the chief, impossible to occupy at night, too few men.' (ibid). For the second time in three days, Poole would again be Mentioned for his services that night.
The following day Poole's premonition came true, as the enemy occupied the Hanlin Academy and set it on fire, in an effort to burn down the British Legation from the north: 'The enemy have set alight the buildings in the Hanlin, alarm sounded, I must take a party inside, clear out the enemy, and occupy the Hanlin. I asked Strouts leave to do this, got it, and got together a force of 10 British Marines, 5 American Marines, and 6 Volunteers; we make a breach in the Legation wall and stream quickly through, enemy fire volley, dash through door, enemy in big temple, fire and run, we pursue them, kill and wound several, there are about 250 Chinese Imperial troops in total, we hold the big temple, and drive the enemy out of the Hanlin. The famous Hanlin Library [the greatest library in the Middle Kingdom] is ablaze, we pull it down, get the fire under control, and place a picket in the Hanlin in front of the students' quarters. Nobody wounded. Hard work to get fire under control.' (F.P. Diary, 23.6.1900 refers).
The next day, the 24th June, was Poole's birthday: 'I am 30 today, dawn opens with brisk sniping all round and simultaneously.' (F.P. Diary, 24.6.1900 refers). The enemy made a fierce attack on the west wall of the British Legation, setting fire to the west gate of the south stable quarters, and taking cover in the buildings which adjoined the wall. The fire, which spread to part of the stables, and through which a galling fire was kept up by the enemy troops, was with difficulty extinguished; but as the presence of the enemy in the adjoining buildings was a grave danger to the Legation, Captain Strouts ordered them to be driven away: 'We made a sortie at the back of Cockburn's house and drove the enemy back. Captain Halliday severely wounded leading his men, one marine mortally wounded, another slightly.' (ibid). For his gallantry in leading the charge, and despite being dangerously wounded almost immediately, killing four out five of his assailants with his revolver, Halliday was awarded the Victoria Cross, the only V.C. given for the Defence of the Legations, and one of only two for the entire China War. Little did Poole realise at this stage that he was to be awarded the only D.S.O. given for the Defence.
Still the Siege continued. On the 28th June the enemy started a sustained fire against the British Legation from the Carriage Park. In a bid to force them back it was decided to try and set alight their barricade in the Carriage Park. Captain Poole was entrusted with the job. That night he made a hole in the Legation wall ready to get through at dawn the following day: 'At 3:00am on the 29th I fall in my party- a burning party of five, including myself, a left flank party of 3, and a right flank party of 3. The Burning party to creep up to the enemy barricade and set it alight, with the flank parties protecting the flanks. At touch of dawn we crept through the hole and with straw soaked in kerosene ran quickly along to the barricade and got within a few yards of it when the alarm inside the barricade was given and a heavy fire was poured into the burning party- no one fortunately hit. Barr [Poole's orderly] and I remained covering the retirement of the other three, who got safely across the zone of fire, next sent Barr, then I tossed off a round at the barricade and ran through the fire, which was coming from all quarters, wild but incessant. Got back to the main position, opened fire with some and withdrew the others through the hole in the wall, coming in last myself, having managed to get the entire party in without any being wounded thank God. Awful luck, but the venture failed, however, I think it will stop sniping.' (F.P. Diary, 29.6.1900 refers).
Throughout the first week in July Poole kept up his place in command of the Hanlin outposts. On the 5th July he was in command of a working part operating outside the Hanlin, chopping down trees in front of the main firing position outside the line of defence: 'The enemy opened fire on the working party. I ordered them in as I had misgivings, and I was looking after something else, when suddenly I heard a cry and rushed out in the direction outside our line of defence. David Oliphant [of H.B.M. Consular Service] was lying on his back wounded with a signalman [Leading Signalman Harry Swannell] alongside him kneeling. He had been foolishly cutting a tree, after I had given the order to retire- I knelt down beside him and could see he was badly hit. The enemy were dropping shot all round us, a couple of marines ran out and covered us, and we brought himin. Poor chap, he died after 3 hours. 24 years old, very promising man, clever, keen, active, it was his desire to make himself useful that brought him working into the Hanlin.' (F.P. Diary, 5.7.1900 refers). For his gallantry in tending to Oliphant, under heavy enemy fire, and on the strength of Poole's recommendation, Leading Signalman Swannell was awarded the Conspicuous Gallantry Medal, one of only two C.G.M.s to be given for the Defence of the Legations, and one of only 8 given for the entire China War.
On the 8th July Poole himself had a near miss: 'Bullet through my hat, wonder I don't get hit. We have made up a weird old-fashioned Chinese gun, found in a looted foundry, from which we fire Russian shells. Knocked down the barricade in the Carriage Park with it. Burnt Road Temple in Hanlin to clear our front, no one wounded. Very busy night and day, I have taken a pull and can get on without much sleep or rest, fortunately we get plenty to eat.' (F.P. Diary, 8.7.1900 refers).
The following day the Chinese changed their tactics- it was a New Moon, and to commemorate the event the enemy wished to slaughter as many Christian converts as they could. As a result, they concentrated their efforts on the Italian, French, Austrian, and German positions. Having assumed command of the International Volunteers, Poole inspected the various positions: 'Visited all the defences, so as to see how things are. French Legation, inadequate defence, in a very bad way, Chinese within 20 yards, Austrian Captain killed by a shell. French Legation must go, I'm afraid... Found Italians utterly demoralised from the loss of their comrades and the want of sleep and rest, with their main loopholes blocked up and cowering beside them, not daring to look or fire out of them. Cursed at them in bad French and scrappy Italian, got loopholes open and fired several shots out of them myself. Enemy's fire hot through the loopholes, only about 20 yards off, found one post completely deserted by the Italians, fortunately the enemy had not known this and I re-occupied it with 3 Marines and kept up as much fire as possible on the enemy. Strengthened all the Italian and French posts with our Marines and strengthened the defences and barricades, working all night. Built a gun platform and at dawn fired three shells into the enemy's barricade, drawing them back- a satisfactory night's work... Came back to find those thrice accursed Austrians and Italians had deserted their advanced post, because the enemy were firing into it. By dint of cursing and going oneself I got them back. Whenever firing goes on I have to rush around to see they haven't deserted their post.' (F.P. Diary, 10-11.7.1900 refers). Two days later, British marines were needed, for the first time, to reinforce every single post outside the British Legation.
On the 16th July, Captain Strouts was hit by enemy fire: 'Strouts mortally wounded by enemy fire. He never rallied, no reserve of strength to fall back on, worn out by nerve strain, responsibility, and want of sleep, as all the military men are. We buried him this afternoon- he was an excellent chap, his first active service, calm, self-confident, never hurried, always cheery, who was trusted by his men and did his work thoroughly and well- he is a great loss. He is succeeded in Command of the Marines by Wray, an excitable, irresponsible chap, who has not the confidence of his men... I am appointed Adjutant, and together with Squires, formerly a Lieutenant in the U.S. Army, and now the Staff Officer for the other Legations, run all the military arrangements of the Legations. (F.P. Diary, 16.7.1900 refers).
By now the siege had been going on for over a month, and with news that a relief force was on its way there was nothing else to do but wait. Apart from occasional sniping, and firing from behind brick barricades, the enemy seemed subdued, and the month ended on a good note, with Poole's diary entry reading very much like an end of term report: 'Our position is much stronger, and everybody is rested and more cheery, the weather is cool considering, patients in hospital bucking up, Wordsworth makes up list of casualties since 19th June, 60 killed, 81 wounded, very high 35p.c., this included Volunteers. Various rumours regarding advance of foreign troops. Take census of Volunteers under my charge, 87 of all nationalities, British, French, German, Belgian, Russian, Austrians, Italians &c. Of these, British excepted, the Russians have done their work the best. Of the Legation detachments, after our own, the troops are as follows:
Japanese: Have done the best work, and are superior to any other, possessing all the qualities that make up good fighting men, pluck, endurance, cheerfulness, obedience, and perseverance.
Austrians: Jumpy from the start, only too willing to leave a dangerous position.
Italians: Ditto.
French: Have held their position and have fought well, don't however understand adequate defences and have inferior discipline.
Germans: Splendid discipline, but have lost many men from not making barricades or adequate defences.
Americans: No discipline, older men than most, hysterical and often drunk on duty- they looted a drink store. Officers have no control over them. They have displayed dash on occasions, but are unsatisfactory people, as you never know what they will do. Very familiar and boastful.
Russians: Strong, stupid, and brutal on occasions, speak no known language so one can't say much to them.' (F.P. Diary, 30.7.1900 refers).
Peking Relieved
The siege dragged on for a further two weeks, during which the relief force was eagerly awaited: 'Inferior and insufficient food beginning to tell, dysentery too, next week will be a bad one. Troops may come any day now, in the Mpezeni Expedition [in North Western Rhodesia in 1898] we marched 400 miles in 15 days to relieve people who were not nearly so hard pressed as we are, only 80 miles to come and good roads- for myself it is unimportant, but women and children are suffering.' (F.P. Diary, 8.8.1900 refers). Finally, the enemy launched one last, desperate attack: 'Early morning, sharp firing all round. Heavy guns heard from the East. Troops expected. At 7:45pm a fierce attack on all sides, alarm sounded here, guns from Imperial Wall put six shells on our redoubt, silenced them with Colt automatic and rifle fire. Legation full of danger, up all night, fiercest attack I can remember but let them do their worst.' (F.P. Diary, 13.8.1900 refers). The following day was the day that those in the Legation had all been waiting for: 'At 1:30pm report from outside that Europeans were entering the Water Gate. Rushed out, saw four Sikhs running in under. We are relieved! Such a cheering, and remainder of force comes in at the Water Gate, guns are brought in and we shell the batteries on the Imperial Wall. Americans enter and occupy City Wall- hundreds of enemy killed by Maxims and rifle fire. Grand to see them tumble down. Russians arrive and French and Sikhs. Our guards relieved by the 7th Rajputs. We must occupy the Carriage Pak, relieving force too dead-beat, I occupy the Carriage Park with 65 Marines, clear out the enemy, hold it, and place picket.' (F.P. Diary, 14.8.1900 refers). But there was one person who was unable to enjoy the relief celebrations. During the course of the Siege Dr. Wordsworth Poole had treated 125 severely wounded men, one severely wounded women, and forty cases of sickness. It is testament to his skill and devotion that, in appalling conditions, in a 'hospital' with only 11 beds, whose patient population rarely fell below 60, and where food, antiseptics, and medicines were all scarce, the vast majority of his patients made a full recovery. Sadly though on the day itself he had been struck down with fever: 'In the afternoon I heard a cheer, got up from my bed, and hastily threw some clothes on. Saw Sikhs and Rajputs rushing into our Legation. 2 of the 1st Sikhs I had seen in B.C.A. We are relieved. Firing and cheers going on all round. Then with a temperature of 104 I went back to bed again.' (W.P. Diary, 14.8.1900 refers).
With Peking relieved, Poole was appointed A.D.C. to the Chief Minister. His first job was to try and stop all the looting that was taking place. Two weeks later, the Ministers all entered the Forbidden City, with much pomp and ceremony. Francis Poole was again on hand to record his views on the state of the various nations' forces, and the day in general:
'Russians: Impressive, Fine Men.
Japanese: Small, but business-like.
Germans: Very fine, steady marching, very stiff.
Americans: Fair.
Our own men: Sikhs and Rajputs especially, quite the most soldierly men.
Italians and Austrians: Bad.
French: Disgraceful.
Palace eunuchs then brought us tea and sweet meats. We entered all the rooms, a wonderful sight, the setting of magnificent buildings, the foreign devils marching over the stone bridges through the gardens with the golden lions and elephants of honour. The march round the Forbidden City is a sight a man can only see once.' (F.P. Diary, 28.8.1900 refers).
Poole recalls one final incident of the siege in his diary: 'During the early part our Union Jack on the central gate attracted much fire, and was dropping off the pole, the rope holding it being severed; the Armourer [T.S. Thomas] of H.M.S. Orlando, one of the detachment here, managed to lower the flagstaff somewhat and nail the Colours to the flagstaff, where they remained floating, contrary to the wishes of the American Missionaries, who were always complaining of their attracting fire; and so when we examined the staff and flag, there were 54 holes in the flag itself and 9 hits on the staff.' (F.P. Diary, 8.9.1900 refers). The battered flag, which flew throughout the Siege, is now at Windsor Castle.
Reprisals continued against the Boxers. In October 1900, Poole went with the expedition to Pao-Ting-Fu, in charge of the transport, and was subsequently appointed Railway Staff Officer, China, 11.12.1900, a position he held for the next seven months. On the 14th August, 1901, Poole received news that, for his gallantry and leadership during the Defence of the Legations, he had been awarded the Distinguished Service Order, to be back-dated to the 29th November, 1900. As his brother Wordsworth recalled in his Diary: 'Francis comes in for a D.S.O. It was expected so that the news was not a surprise, but he will be glad to have got recognition after many toilsome jobs that seemed to bring nothing.' (W.P. Diary, 14.8.1901 refers). On the 15th November 1901 he was presented with his D.S.O., the only one given for the Defence, by the Officer Commanding Troops, Peking, at a parade of the Garrison, fittingly held on the Carriage Park, the scene of some of his most daring exploits, and overlooked by the British Legation.
The year though was to end on a sad note. On the 11th December 1901 Dr. Wordsworth Poole contracted typhoid. Francis Poole was with him during his final days, but to no avail, and his brother died on the 9th January 1902.
Travels in Africa and Asia
In January 1903, Captain Poole took up an appointment with the Egyptian Army, and served with them during operations in Bahr-el-Ghazai, Sudan, 1903-04, before being posted to the Intelligence Department, Egyptian Army, 1906. In this role he was free to travel extensively around North Africa and the Middle East, and over the next two years sent back much valuable Intelligence Material, particularly on the state of the various countries' military capabilities. In 1908 he served with the 15th Sudanese as Senior Inspector and Acting Governor, Halfa and Berber Provinces, Sudan, for which service he was awarded the Order of Osmanieh by the Egyptian Authorities.
With the Abor Expeditionary Force
In February 1910 Captain Poole finished his secondment to the Egyptian Army, and embarked upon further travels, this time to North and South America, Korea, Japan, Manchuria, Mongolia, Siberia, and India. In March 1911, news was received that a British party had been treacherously murdered by Abor tribesmen. Such wanton savagery could not be allowed, and the Indian Government decided on the despatch of a punitive expedition to Aborland. Poole, who by now had arrived in the area, was permitted to join the expedition: 'On the 20th October 1911 the first column, some 500 rifles of the 2nd Gurkhas, started off. Little was known about the country in front of us. Owing to the difficulties of transport no tents were carried with the force, and the chronicle of the next three weeks with the main column, in what is probably the rainiest part of the world, is but a dreary one, telling the tale, as it does, of constant jungle-clearing, road making, of brushes with elusive Abors, of attempted ambushes, of rock-shutes discharged, of fatal casualties from poisoned arrows, of rain-sodden bivouacs, of fever and water-logged camps. Of the pomp and circumstance of glorious war there is little, only a bedraggled slender force moving step by step in a country whose difficulties seemed to increase every day. The foothills were succeeded by steeper hills heavily forested; no clearing existed unless there was cultivation. On the 19th November the striking force, with the minimum of baggage, reached a razor-backed rock, the ascent to which was a very severe one, from the bed of a mountain stream. Without doubt this ground was dedicated by the Abors to the God of Battles... A stockade was soon discovered, from which a shot rang out. Simultaneously an enormous rock-shute was discharged and thundered down the gorge. Fire was immediately opened at the stockade, from which showers of arrows were coming. With the rattle of musketry were blended the crash of six more rock-shutes, discharged from the stockade one after another, and the defiant shouts of the Abors.
The ingenuity displayed by the Abors in defence of this stockade recalled the shifts and contrivances used by the Boxers and Imperial troops in China during the troubles of 1900. Lieutenant Buckland first entered the stockade, followed by the remainder of his party, who encountered the Abors in flight, six of whom were killed. One was in close grips with a Gurkha officer when Lieutenant Kennedy shot him with his revolver. With the flight of the Abors the stockade was taken. The topmost bastion of the stockade was picketed just before nightfall, and the heights around them crowned- we had been twelve hours continuously under arms. On the 4th December the Abor stronghold of Kekar Monying was captured, and with the capture of the village of Kebang four days later, the back of the Abor resistance was broken, and the prestige of the hitherto unconquered Kebang clan received a severe blow. There were small affairs of ambuscades on the part of the Abors, but any concerted opposition was at an end. By April 1912 all exploration parties had come in, and the withdrawal of the force began.' (With the Abor Expeditionary Force, Captain Poole's account of the Expedition, written under the pseudonym 'Wanderer' refers).
The Great War
On the 18th December 1912, Poole transferred to the Middlesex Regiment with the rank of Major, and went with the 3rd Battalion to France, 14.1.1915. Invalided home in February 1915, he was appointed a Brigade-Major, 8th Reserve Infantry Brigade, New Armies, March 1916, before re-joining his old Battalion in July 1917. After a period in Italy, as a General Staff Officer, November 1917 to March 1918, he was appointed to the Command of the 23rd Battalion, Middlesex Regiment, on the Somme, 2.3.1918. After the Armistice he held more Staff Appointments, was Mentioned in Despatches (London Gazette 5.7.1919) and created an Officer of the Order of the British Empire.
In 1919 Poole re-joined the 1st Battalion, Middlesex Regiment, as Second-in-Command, but was invalided out the following year, and after a brief period commanding the 17th London Defence Regiment, finally retired from the Army on account of ill-health with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, 20.7.1921. In 1925 he was appointed Commandant of the Surrey Cadet Brigade, and served in the post until 1943. During the Second World War, by now aged over 70, he travelled all over England helping to raise new Cadet Units as part of the War effort.
Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Poole died at home at Farnham, Surrey, in November 1950. Few men can have crammed so much experience into 80 years of life.
The Peking Siege Commemoration Medals were struck at the instigation of Mr Arthur D. Brent, an employee of the Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank, who was himself present throughout the siege, and were presented to those who were present at the Defence of Legations, 20th June to 14th August 1900. The inscription on the reverse represents those words that appeared on the wall at Belshazzar's Feast, and were interpreted to mean 'thou art weighed in the balances, and art found wanting' (Daniel, Ch.5, v.26-27).
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The Group of Ten Miniatures worn by Lieutenant-Colonel F.G. Poole, D.S.O., O.B.E.
Distinguished Service Order, V.R., gold and enamel, with integral top riband bar; The Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, 1st type, Military Division, Officer's (O.B.E.) Badge, silver-gilt; Central Africa 1891-98, 2nd type, one clasp, Central Africa 1894-98; China 1900, one clasp, Defence of Legations; India General Service 1908-35, G.V.R., one clasp, Abor 1911-12; 1914-15 Star; British War and Victory Medals, M.I.D. Oakleaves; Jubilee 1935; Turkey, Ottoman Empire, Order of Osmanieh, Fourth Class breast Badge, silver, silver-gilt, and enamel, with rosette on riband, the Cadet Forces Medal not represented, minor damage to first and last, good very fine (10) £800-1,000
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A Very Rare 'Ashanti 1900, V.C. Action' D.S.O. Group of Four to Surgeon-Major W. Fletcher, Royal Army Medical Corps, For His Gallantry During the Ambush of Lieutenant-Colonel Carter's Column at Dompuassi, 6.6.1900, Where He Was Wounded; He Was Also Mentioned in Despatches For Services During the Aro Expedition, 1901-02
a) Distinguished Service Order, V.R., silver-gilt and enamel, minor red enamel damage, with integral top-riband bar
b) East and West Africa 1887-1900, one clasp, 1899 (Surgn. Lieut. W. Fletcher. Niger. C.P. Force.)
c) Ashanti 1900, one clasp, Kumassi (Surg. Capt: W. Fletcher W.A.F.F.), with high relief bust
d) Africa General Service 1902-56, E.VII.R., one clasp, Aro 1901-1902 (Capt. W. Fletcher, M.B., D.S.O., R.A.M.C.), last with high relief bust, darkly toned, generally good very fine (4) £8,000-10,000
Footnote: D.S.O. London Gazette 11.6.1901 William Fletcher, Surgeon-Capt., Militia Medical Staff Corps
'In recognition of services during the recent operations in Ashanti.'
Surgeon Major William Fletcher, D.S.O., born 1863; having been commissioned into the Niger C.P.F. he served in West Africa 1899, in the expedition in the Central Division of the Niger Coast Protectorate; took part in the operations in West Africa 1900, Ashanti Expedition, and served as the Medical Officer with the column under Lieutenant-Colonel Carter.
Carter 'reported that after he had left Fumsu on June 2nd he engaged the enemy at Sherimassi, losing four men killed, and on arrival at Kwisa found that D Company with its wounded had arrived there the following day.' (The Great Drama of Kumasi, W. Montagu Hall refers).
Carter's column had been ambushed several times between Fumsu and Kwisa, and he had lost four men killed and seven wounded at Sherimassi; the death of these four men gave an early indication as to the enemy's intentions of targetting the white officers - Carter, his second in command Major Wilkinson, and Dr. Fletcher had been walking together, followed by their three orderlies and the Regimental Sergeant-Major; the four natives were killed by a sudden volley from the bush, with the three officers fortunate to escape on this occasion.
On the 6th June, Carter set off with one 7-pdr, three Maxims and 380 men to join Captain Hall at Esumeja, 'leaving a small garrison at Kwisa, Lieutenant-Colonel Carter advanced to engage the Adansis whom he met at Dompuassi. Captain Roupell, who was leading the advance guard, was at once wounded, then Lieutenant-Colonel Carter, Lieutenant O'Malley several times while gallanty trying to keep his maxim gun going until he had to give up from loss of blood, and Lieutenant Edwards, R.A. The last named, in charge of the 7-pdr, had the whole of his gun detachment either killed or wounded, and he himself had in the end, until he too fell wounded, to load and fire the gun, ramming the charges home with his walking stick. Captain Roupell, although wounded through both wrists, continued to bring up ammunition with his forearms. Colonel Carter, wounded as he was (he was shot in the eye) and seeing the number of casualties, including his second in command, Major P.S. Wilkinson, decided on a retreat which he personally gave orders to be carried out.' (ibid).
Doctor Fletcher was also hit as he moved up and down the column tending the wounded; while the retreat was in progress, 'Colour-Sergeant Mackenzie, who was in temporary command of D Company, 1st W.A.F.F. owing to Captain Beamish being in a hammock down with fever, came up from his company, which formed the rearguard, and asked permission to charge the stockade. He was allowed to do so, and gallantly leading his men, who followed him nobly with other officers and men, captured the stockade, clearing out the enemy with the bayonet, thus saving a difficult and dangerous situation.' (ibid)
For his gallant bayonet charge Mackenzie was awarded one of the two Victoria Crosses awarded for the Ashanti War of 1900; Fletcher was awarded the D.S.O. and Mentioned in Despatches (London Gazette 4.12.1900); his D.S.O. was presented by the King at Buckingham Palace, 25.7.1901; Fletcher returned to West Africa, and served in Southern Nigeria 1901-02, in the Aro Expedition, where he was again Mentioned in Despatches (London Gazette 12.9.1902). Fletcher is also mentioned in The Relief of Kummassi by Captain H.C.J. Bliss and Kabul to Kumassi by Brigadier-General J. Willcocks.
16 D.S.O.'s were awarded for the Ashanti 1900 campaign, Fletcher's being unique to a Medical Officer.
10
The Outstanding and Extremely Rare 'E.VII.R.' Tibet D.S.O. Group of Nine to Lieutenant-Colonel R.C. Lye, 23rd Sikh Pioneers, Late Hampshire Regiment, Wounded and Mentioned in Despatches For Service During the Burmese Expedition, 1885-87; He Served as Second in Command of the 23rd Sikh Pioneers Throughout the Tibet Campaign; During Which He Was Severely Wounded Leading His Men at the Storming of Niani Monastery, 26.6.1904. He Died On Active Service During the Great War in 1917
a) Distinguished Service Order, E.VII.R., silver-gilt and enamel, with integral top riband bar
b) Delhi Durbar 1911
c) India General Service 1854-95, one clasp, Burma 1885-7 (Lieut. R.C. Lye 2d Bn Hamps R.)
d) India General Service 1895-1902, V.R., two clasps, Relief of Chitral 1895, Punjab Frontier 1897-98 (Lieutt. R.C. Lye 23rd Bl. Infy.), minor official correction to rank
e) Tibet 1903-04, one clasp, Gyantse (Major R.C. Lye 23d. Sikh Pioneers)
f) India General Service 1908-35, E.VII.R., one clasp, North West Frontier 1908 (Major R.C. Lye D.S.O. 23rd Sikh Pioneers)
g) 1914 Star (Lt: Col: R.C. Lye. 34/Pnrs:)
h) British War and Victory Medals (Lt. Col R.C. Lye.), generally very fine or better, first six awards mounted as originally worn (9) £12,000-16,000
Footnote: D.S.O. London Gazette 16.12.1904 Major Robert Cobb Lye, Indian Army, 'In recognition of services with the Tibet Mission Escort.'
M.I.D. London Gazette 13.12.1904 Major R.C. Lye, 23rd Sikh Pioneers (Tibet)
Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Cobb Lye, D.S.O. (1865-1917), commissioned Lieutenant, Hampshire Regiment, February 1885; served with the 2nd Battalion Hampshire Regiment during the Burmese Expedition of 1885-87; he was present at the capture of Minhla Fort (17.11.1885), and for the occupation of Mandalay including the advance to, and capture of Fort Stedman; he served with the 1st Brigade under Brigadier-General C.J. East (wounded; Mentioned in Despatches London Gazette 2.9.1887); transferred Indian Staff Corps 1888; served with the 1st Miranzai Expedition, 1891; Captain 23rd Bengal Native Infantry, 1896; served as Assistant to the Chief Commissary Officer, as part of Major-General Sir Bindon Blood's Malakand Field Force, August-October 1897; served in the same capacity in the operations in Bajour and in the Mamund country, Utman Khel, Buner and in the attack and capture of the Tanga Pass; promoted Major, 23rd Sikh Pioneers, 29.3.1903.
At the end of September 1903 in preparation for the Tibet Mission Escort's entry in to Tibet, the 23rd Sikh Pioneers were ordered up to repair the track leading out of Sikkim over the Jelap La (14,390 feet) into the Chumbi Valley.
Once into Tibet conditions were harsh, and Lye's men suffered, 'though lavish by the standards of those days, the protective clothing issued to the troops - poshteens, Gilgit boots, thick underwear, and so on - bore no comparison with its scientifically-designed counterpart today. It was not wind-proof and it was so bulky that the soldiers had small chance of handling their weapons with precision.... "It seemed impossible," Younghusband recalled, "that the poor sentries at night would ever be able to stand against the howling storm and the penetrating snow, or that our soldiers would ever be able to resist an attack from the Tibetans in such terrific circumstances." In the ranks of the 23rd Pioneers, eleven out of twelve cases of pneumonia proved fatal.' (Bayonets to Lhasa, P. Fleming refers).
Indeed in mid-March, the 23rd Pioneers had an early taste of what was to come (as reported by the Daily Mail's correspondent, Candler), whilst escorting a supply column crossing the Tang La, as part of stockpiling for the advance to Gyantse, 'a convoy of the 12th Mule Corps, escorted by two companies of the 23rd Pioneers, were overtaken by a blizzard on their march between Phari and Tuna, and camped in two feet of snow with the thermometer 18 degrees below zero. A driving hurricane made it impossible to light a fire or cook food. The officers were reduced to frozen bully beef and neat spirits, while the sepoys went without food for thirty-six hours... The drivers arrived at Tuna frozen to the waist. Twenty men of the 12th Mule Corps were frost-bitten, and thirty men of the 23rd Pioneers were so incapacitated that they had to be carried in on mules.'
The 23rd Sikh Pioneers went on to distinguish themselves during the expedition in particular at Karola, 6.5.1904 and at the storming of the Monastery at Niani, 26.6.1904. The latter position was attacked by Colonel Brander's flying column inconjunction with General Macdonald's column:
'He [Brander] started early next morning, and took his four guns and infantry up the enormous heights overlooking Naini [sic] from the Gyantse side, and sent the 1st Mounted Infantry up the ordinary road to block that line of escape. The General's force arrving from the other direction at 9am, the 900 Tibetans were hemmed in on all sides in Naini. The action was opened by Captain Peterson, commanding the advanced guard, composed of the 2nd Mounted Infantry, twenty-one of the 1st, and fifty of the 40th Pathans. They all went at it with a will, and cleared the Tibetans our of several of the outlying houses; but it was soon seen that the thirty-foot wall of Naini monastery required some shelling and guncotton before they could getin. They also found that the village between Naini and the river was strongly held. A company of the 23rd and a company of the 32nd cleared the village, all except one house, which was so strongly barricaded that, although the men of the 23rd were endeavouring to make a hole in the wall with their bayonets, without guncotton they could not get in, and had to retire to give the artillery an opportunity of battering it. Here the 23rd lost two men killed and two men wounded, and Lieutenant Turnbull, of that regiment, greatly distinguished himself in carrying a wounded man to a place of safety. The Tibetans in this house behaved splendidly, and although battered with seven-pounder shells from 250 yards, did not cease fire till the guns had knocked down most of the front face of the house. They lay low in the house till late in the evening, but could not resist firing at the rear guard as it was passing, killing one of the Gurkhas. The rear guard immediately stormed the house and burnt part of it; but when they had marched on about 500 yards, the original Tibetans in the house came to life again and fired away as well as ever.
Meanwhile, Colonel Brander's guns from the heights, and the other four guns of No. 7 Mountain Battery which had arrived with the General, shelled the monastery, and taking the Tibetans in reverse drove them from their loopholes. The 40th Pathans, having worked up to the back wall, found a ladder in position by which they made their entry. The Mounted Infantry, the 23rd, and the 32nd broke in the main gate, and then the hardest of the fighting began. The Tibetans had taken refuge in the houses and cellars, and were, as usual in those places, fighting well. Major Lye, of the 23rd, leading his men into a house thronged with Tibetans, was cut down by them, and very severely wounded on the head and left hand, and was well saved by his own men. Several houses and cellars were blown in with guncotton, and the occupants killed or captured, and now, as the whole place was occupied, the General, not wishing to punish them any further, ordered the march to Gyantse to be continued at 3pm.
The Tibetans lost about 150 in killed, wounded, and prisoners.... Our losses were five men killed, Major Lye, a native officer of the 2nd Mounted Infantry, and nine men all badly wounded.' (With Mounted Infantry In Tibet, Major W.J. Ottley refers)
Members of the regiment were awarded the I.O.M. for their gallantry at Niani, and Lye, who was second in command of the regiment for the expedition, was awarded the D.S.O.
Having recuperated from his wound he served in the Zakka Khel country, 1908; advanced Lieutenant-Colonel, 8.10.1909; appointed Commandant, Line of Communications (graded D.A.A.G.), 17.11.1914, and served during the Great War in this capacity until, 24.1.1916; he died at Sialkot, whilst on active service with the 34th Sikh Pioneers, 28.6.1917, and is commemorated on the Karachi War Memorial.
Lye's D.S.O. is one of only nine awarded for Tibet.
11
An Outstanding 'Fighting' Tibet I.O.M. Group of Four to Naik Tilok Singh, 23rd Sikh Pioneers, Attached Mounted Infantry, Who Despite Being Wounded in Both Legs During an Ambush Just Outside Gyantse, Held Out For Over An Hour With 7 Other Sikhs Against 1,000 Tibetans
a) Indian Order of Merit, Military Division, 1st type, 3rd Class, Reward of Valor, silver and enamel, the reverse engraved in three lines '3rd Class Order of Merit', enamel damage, lacking top riband buckle
b) India General Service 1895-1902, V.R., two clasps, Waziristan 1901-2, Relief of Chitral 1895 (3752 Sepoy Talok Singh 23rd.. Infy)
c) Tibet 1903-04, one clasp, Gyantse (3752 Lce. Nk. Tilok Singh 23d Sikh Pioneers)
d) India General Service 1908-35, E.VII.R., one clasp, North West Frontier 1908 (3752 Naik Tilok Singh. 23rd Sikh Pioneers.), contact marks, generally nearly very or better (4) £4,000-5,000
Footnote: I.O.M. No. 3752 Sepoy Tilok Singh, 23rd Sikh Pioneers
'For conspicuous gallantry on 19th May 1904 when on Dak patrol with 7 other men and attacked by several hundred Tibetans about one and a half miles from Gyantse. Although severely wounded he continued fighting for over an hour against large odds until relieved by a party of Mounted Infantry.'
On 19.5.1904 Tilok Singh was tasked, along with six other men under the command of Lance Naik Jhanda Singh, with Mail Escort, 'the bag was usually guarded by four mounted men only, and it had a long road to cover, by villages, from any of which the messengers might with impunity have been shot down; through defiles in which any ravine might well conceal a dozen determined men; or across the open plain, where its distant progress could be watched by a sharp-sighted man six miles away.' (Lhasa, Perceval Landon, refers)
On the above date the Mail Escort was set upon by hundreds not dozens of determined men, 'the Mounted Infantry mail escort on their way back to Gyantse were passing between one of these villages and the thicket on the left bank of the river, when the Tibetans, having cleverly ambuscaded them, opened fire from all sides. One man and five ponies were killed on the spot, the Lance Naik in command [Jhanda Singh] was hit through both arms, rendering him useless, another man [Tilok Singh] was wounded in both legs and could not stand up, and two out of the remaining three ponies were so severely wounded that they had to be destroyed afterwards. The Tibetans got so close that they used their swords on the ponies. The Lance-Naik got his men together in the thicket, whence they retaliated on the Tibetans, and shot them down so quickly that they drew off a bit, though still keeping up a steady fire on them. The Lance-Naik behaved most gallantly, and although unable to use his rifle, opened the packets of cartridges with his teeth and passed them round to his men to fire. The wounded man [Tilok Singh] crawled behind a tree, whence he kept up a vigorous fire on the enemy; and thus, true to their duty, they defended the mail-bags on their killed and wounded ponies so successfully that out of the seven mail bags in their charge only one fell into the hands of the enemy, as well as two saddles and bridles and one rifle.' (With Mounted Infantry in Tibet, Major W.J. Ottley, refers)
Ottley led the force of Mounted Infantry sent out to rescue the escort and the mail, 'Quite 1,000 Tibetans were on the move in the thicket and villages when we arrived near the scene. Subadar Sangat Singh, with fifteen men, went up the right bank of the river, and the rest of us, with about twenty men, went along the left bank. The Tibetans, seeing the tables were turned, on feeling our heavy fire began to make themselves scarce. They were driven out of two villages and the thicket on the left bank, only to be caught by the Subadar and his men coming up the right bank. There was no rest for them now, and they began to scatter and hide themselves where they could. About twenty or thirty of them, being hard pressed, took up a position in a large house with a parapeted roof made up of sods and brushwood and started firing, as they intended to give battle. The challenge was accepted at once, and the attack commenced. We got up under the walls without anyone being hit, thanks to the large interval between men. There was only one door to the house, and we could not get in that way as they were shooting out of it really well. Lieutenant Hodgson and four or five other men looked after the door, and with their bayonets made a hole in the wall and fired into the house, while the rest set fire to the brushwood on the roof and went round the house to try to break an entrance. A small hole was found in the wall, and as a Sepoy went up to it a Tibetan made a vigorous sword-thrust at him through the hole, and just missed him. The Sepoy put his rifle barrel into the hole and commenced magazine fire, which must have been very unpleasant for those inside'. The men were being collected on the roof to jump down into the open space inside the house, when orders were received from Colonel Brander to retire as it was growing late and darkness was falling. Just at that moment about 500 more Tibetans were seen collecting in the hills some distance off. Much to the regret of all we had to leave our job unfinished and return to the post.
Relying on our ponies to get away sharp, we stayed as long as possible, and to our surprise, when we did want to go, we found that the dismounted mail escort had followed us up on foot, including the two wounded men, who had walked and crawled along for about two miles. The affair now became a rear-guard action, the body of Tibetans in the hills having come on. Lieutenant Ellias put one of the wounded men on his own horse, and took him back to the post himself. The other was put on a pony, and being held there by two men, was taken in, covered by the remainder of the men, who had to deliver a hot fire to keep the Tibetans off. We arrived at the post as it got dark without further casualties.'
Both Tilok Singh and Jhanda Singh were awarded the I.O.M. for this action. 26 I.O.M.'s were awarded for the Tibet Campaign.
12
The Great War 1918 'Western Front' M.C., 1915 'Gallipoli' D.C.M. Group of Five to Captain R. Hashim, Cheshire Regiment, Late Manchester Regiment
a) Military Cross, G.V.R., unnamed as issued
b) Distinguished Conduct Medal, G.V.R. (2478 Pte. R. Hashim. 1/6 Manch: Regt.- T.F.)
c) 1914-15 Star (2478 Pte. R. Hashim. Manch. R.)
d) British War and Victory Medals, M.I.D. Oakleaves (Capt. R. Hashim.), good very fine or better, with the recipient's related miniature awards (5) £2,000-2,500
Footnote: M.C. London Gazette 2.4.1919 Lt. (A./Capt.) Randolph Hashim, D.C.M., 7th Bn. Cheshire R. T.F., attd. 9th Bn.
'For conspicuous gallantry and good leadership during operations near Jenlain on 3rd and 4th November, 1918. During an enemy withdrawal, he led his company in pursuit with great skill, and made ground and captured prisoners, pressing forward in advance of the Division on his left. Afterwards, under intense shell fire, he reorganised his company, and led them in another attack with complete success.'
D.C.M. London Gazette 15.9.1915 2478 Private Hashim, R., 1/6th Battalion, Manchester Regiment (T.F.)
'For conspicuous gallantry on 4th June, 1915, on the Gallipoli Peninsula. He dug a shelter, under very heavy fire, for an Officer who was dangerously wounded, and then rejoined the firing line.'
M.I.D. London Gazette 5.11.1915 Hashim, No. 2478 Private R., Manchester Regiment
'For services during operations with the Mediterranean Expeditionary Force.'
Captain Randolph Hashim, M.C., D.C.M., born Chorlton, Lancashire, 1885, the son of Khalil Hashim, a Syrian cotton merchant; Commissioned Second Lieutenant, Cheshire Regiment, 1.11.1909; resigned his Commission, 21.1.1914; enlisted as a Private in the Manchester Regiment and served with the 1/6th Battalion in the Gallipoli Theatre of War from 5.5.1915 (awarded the D.C.M. and Mentioned in Despatches); re-Commissioned Second Lieutenant, Cheshire Regiment, 8.9.1915, and served with them on the Western Front; promoted Lieutenant, 17.6.1916; appointed Brigade Bombing Officer with the temporary rank of Captain, 12.7.1916; Captain, 1.7.1918.
13
A Great War 1918 'Egyptian Expeditionary Force' M.C. Group of Five to Lieutenant-Colonel P. Forrester, Honourable Artillery Company
a) Military Cross, G.V.R., unnamed as issued
b) 1914-15 Star (223 B.S. Mjr. P. Forrester. H.A.C.)
c) British War and Victory Medals, M.I.D. Oakleaves (Major P. Forrester)
d) Special Constabulary Long Service Medal, G.V.R. (Asst. Cmdr. Philip Forrester. (Lt. Col.) M.C.), edge bruise to BWM, very fine or better, mounted court style as worn, together with three photographs of the recipient (5) £1,200-1,600
Footnote: M.C. London Gazette 24.8.1918 T./Capt. Philip Forrester, R.F.A.
'For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty. He commanded his battery with great skill and dash, galloping into action close up to the firing line. He directed the fire of his battery throughout the action, standing in an exposed position under heavy rifle and machine-gun fire. He showed splendid coolness and skill.'
M.I.D. London Gazette 12.1.1920 Forrester, T./Maj. P., M.C., Royal Horse and Royal Field Artillery
'For distinguished and gallant services with the Egyptian Expeditionary Force'
Lieutenant-Colonel Philip Forrester, M.C., was born in Beckenham, Kent, in 1878, the third son of the Hon. Frank Woodhouse Forrester, and was educated at Harrow. A keen Territorial, he was admitted to the Honourable Artillery Company, 29.11.1909, and soon made his mark as an efficient gunner. As one of his contemporaries observed, 'He was always a fearless and finished horseman, a qualified gun-layer, an excellent signaller, and, incidently, by no means an inefficient trumpeter.' Promoted Corporal in 1911, and Sergeant the following year, he was advanced to Battery Sergeant-Major of 'B' Battery in January 1914.
'On the outbreak of the Great War, Forrester at once volunteered for active service, and sailed with his Battery to Egypt in April 1915. Both during the training period and on active service he carried out the onerous duties of Battery Sergeant-Major with the greatest energy and efficiency, happily combined with tact and good humour, and those who served with him will not readily forget his unfailing cheerfulness and kindly care for his men during the hardships of the Aden campaign. Such a man was of necessity singled out for further promotion, and on the establishment, in October 1915, of a gunnery branch at the Imperial School of Instruction, Forrester passed with ease through the necessary course and gained his Commission.' (The H.A.C. in the Great War by Major G.G. Walker, D.S.O., M.C. refers).
Commissioned Second Lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, 7.11.1915, Forrester was then retained as an assistant Instructor at the School, before being promoted Captain, 25.2.1916, and placed in charge of the Gunnery School: 'Here he remained for nearly a year, while hundreds of candidates for commissions, including many Australians and New Zealanders, passed through his hands. A course for Officers and senior N.C.O.s was also started, and soon there were few gunner officers in Egypt below the rank of Major who had not received and profited by instruction in gunnery from the erstwhile B.S.M. of 'B' Battery, H.A.C.' (ibid).
When the Egyptian Expeditionary Force advanced across the Sinai desert into Palestine at the end of 1916, Forrester felt impelled to take a more actively combatant part in the campaign. He therefore asked to be relieved of his duties at the School, and was posted as Captain to a Field Battery, which he served with distinction, and was awarded the Military Cross. He then served for a time as Staff Captain to Colonel the Marquis of Exeter, who was then commanding the 19th Brigade, R.H.A., consisting of 'A' and 'B' Batteries H.A.C., and the 1st Notts, R.H.A. From there he was posted to the command of 'B' Battery, 261st Brigade, R.F.A., in the 52nd (Lowland) Division, which he commanded till the end of the War, being transferred with his Battery to the 7th Indian Division when the Infantry of the 52nd Division were sent from Palestine to France.
On the reorganization of the Territorial Army after the War, Forrester was transferred to the Territorial Army with the rank of Major, 28.7.1920, before being posted to 'A' Battery, H.A.C., which he reformed and commanded with signal success. When the H.A.C. Division of the Metropolitan Special Constabulary was formed in 1920, Forrester was one of the first to enlist, ultimately serving as Assistant Commander. In November 1926 he was promoted Lieutenant-Colonel and given the Command of 11th (H.A.C. and City of London Yeomanry) Brigade, R.H.A. He died at home in Hampstead, 5.1.1929. His family presented some silver to the H.A.C. after his death in his memory.
14
A Great War 1918 'Western Front' M.C. Group of Four to Lieutenant L.G. Harris, Manchester Regiment
a) Military Cross, G.V.R., unnamed as issued
b) 1914-15 Star (2. Lieut. L.G. Harris. Manch. R.)
c) British War and Victory Medals (Lieut. L.G. Harris.), good very fine (4) £800-1,000
Footnote: M.C. London Gazette 1.2.1919 Lt. Leslie Gordon Harris, 1/7th Bn., T.F., Manch. R., attd. H.Q., 327th Infy. Bde. (Intelligence Officer)
'For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty as Brigade Intelligence Officer on the night of 24th-26th August, 1918, near Miraumont, and on 2nd September, 1918, near Villers-au-Flos, and on 27th September, 1918, near Havrincourt, when on each occasion he made useful reconnaissances under heavy fire of all kinds, sending back most valuable reports.'
Lieutenant Leslie Gordon Harris, M.C., born Stitchford, Warwickshire, September 1889, and educated at King Edward VI School, Birmingham; enlisted as Private, 2/7th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 16.9.1914; promoted Corporal, 7.11.1914; Sergeant, 10.11.1914; Commissioned Second Lieutenant, Manchester Regiment, 16.4.1915, and served with the 7th Battalion in the Gallipoli Theatre of War from May 1915; invalided back home, August 1915; later served as Intelligence Officer on the Western Front.
15
Family Group:
A Great War 1917 'F.E. 2b Pilot's' M.C. Group of Six to Squadron Leader R.W. Reid, 18 Squadron, Royal Flying Corps and Royal Air Force
a) Military Cross, G.V.R., reverse contemporarily engraved in sans-serif capitals, '2nd. Lieut. Robert Wolstenholme Reid No. 18 Squadron. Royal Flying Corps. May 1917', in damaged Royal Mint case of issue
b) British War and Victory Medals (Capt. R.W. Reid. R.A.F.)
c) 1939-1945 Star
d) Defence and War Medals, VM officially renamed, very fine or better, with recipient's identity tags and bracelet, bullion insignia; R.A.F. No. 12 Group Sports 1919 Prize Medal, brass, reverse engraved 'Lieut. R.W. Reid 3rd 1 Mile Flat Cranwell 16.7.1917' and small Mill Hill O.T.C. silver and enamel badge
The Legion of Honour Chevalier's Badge attributed to The Hon. Robert Reid, Australian Senator and Business Magnate
France, Third Republic, Legion of Honour, Chevalier's breast Badge, 55mm including wreath suspension x 42mm, silver, gold, and enamel, enamel damage to tips of badge, nearly very fine, in Lemoine, Paris, case of issue (lot) £1,200-1,600
Footnote: M.C. London Gazette 26.7.1917 2nd Lt. Robert Wolstenholme Reid, R.F.C., Spec. Res.
'For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty. He has done fine work in taking aeroplane photographs. His work has been carried out while flying at very low altitudes and often under very heavy machine-gun fire.'
Squadron Leader Robert Wolstenholme Reid, M.C., born 1898, the son of Mr. and Mrs. Reid of 'The Deane', Stanmore, Middlesex; educated at Mill Hill School, 1911-1916, where he was a member of the OTC; admitted to the School of Instruction, Reading, straight from school and commissioned Second Lieutenant (On Probation), Royal Flying Corps, 15.7.1916; Flying Officer 19.10.1916; after training posted as Pilot to 18 Squadron (F.E. 2bs), Bertangles, January 1917; he flew mainly photo and tactical reconnaissance operations with the squadron, including 29.4.1917, when 'Reid and his Observer, Second Lieutenant R.C. Doughty, in F.E. 2b, 'A5466', on a photo-reconnaissance patrol, were attacked at 10,000 feet over Marquion-Barelle by four red enemy aircraft. By diving into a convenient cloud, Reid shook off all but one of his attackers, who persisted in chasing them down to 3,000 feet. Doughty managed just one shot at their tormentor before being wounded himself. Reid, still unscathed, eventually managed to escape the enemy machine's attentions and was able to steer the F.E. safely back to his field' (The Military Cross to Flying Personnel of Great Britain and the Empire, 1914-1919, H. Giblin and N. Franks, refers); post war service included at R.A.F. Spitalgate; discharged 18.5.1920; re-engaged as Flying Officer for service during the Second World War, 11.12.1939; advanced Temporary Squadron Leader, 1.1.1943.
The Hon. Robert Reid (1842-1904), born Leven, Scotland; migrated to Victoria, Australia, 1855; settling in Melbourne he built a wholesale drapery import business from nothing, opening branches throughout the country including in Sydney; by 1890 Robert Reid & Co. was one of the largest Australian import business and had set up branches in Europe; in 1898 the business became a limited company with a capital of £500,000 and a head office in London; as one of the foremost Australian commercial magnates of the time Reid was President of the first Congress of the Chambers of Commerce in Australia during Victoria's centennial exhibition; he represented the Melbourne Chamber of Commerce at the Indian and Colonial Exhibition in London, 1886 and was a commissioner at the Paris Exhibition, 1889 (received the Legion of Honour); served on the Legislative Council for Melbourne Province, 1892-1903; Reid held the Defence and Health Portfolios under the Victorian Government of Sir James Patterson, 1893-1894; appointed to the Victorian Ministry, for Public Instruction and Health, 1902; elected to the Senate, 1903; he died whilst in London, May 1904, and is buried in Hampstead Cemetery. Reid's company ceased trading in 1979.
16
A Fine Great War 'D.H.4 Observer's' M.C. Group of Four to Captain J.M. Brisbane, Royal Flying Corps and Royal Air Force, Who Was Accredited With Shooting Down At Least 3 Enemy Aircraft, 2 of Which Were Scored Whilst Flying With Second Lieutenant A.R. Atkey- The Highest Scoring British Two-Seater Ace of the Great War
a) Military Cross, G.V.R., unnamed as issued
b) British War and Victory Medals (Lieut. J.M. Brisbane. R.A.F.)
c) Efficiency Medal, G.V.R., with 'India' scroll suspension (L-Cpl. J.M. Brisbane. N. Beng. M. Rif., A.F.I.), last with minor official corrections, very fine, with the following contemporary related items:
- Riband bar for first three awards
- Commission appointing John Miller Brisbane, Second Lieutenant, Territorial Force, 15.10.1915
- Commission appointing John Miller Brisbane, Lieutenant, Royal Air Force, 1.4.1918 (lot) £2,500-3,000
Footnote: M.C. London Gazette 22.6.1918 Lt. John Miller Brisbane, R. Scots, attd R.F.C.
'For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty. When on a low-flying and bombing patrol, he engaged four hostile scouts, one of which he destroyed. Later, on four enemy two-seater planes attacking his patrol, he shot one of them down completely out of control. On the following day, when returning from a low bombing reconnaissance, his machine was attacked by 12 hostile scouts. He fired several hundred rounds into one of these, and it was seen to crash to earth. He is a patrol leader of great dash and vigour.'
The Recommendation states: 'For conspicuous courage and devotion to duty with which he has carried out low flying harassing and bombing patrols on Third and Fifth Army fronts. He has inflicted severe casualties to enemy troops with machine gun fire, and brought back most valuable information regarding movements of enemy troops etc.
On 25.3.1918, when on low flying and bombing patrol over the Bapaume - Flers Road, 4 Pfalz Scouts were engaged. He fired a burst at one of these enemy machines, and it fell out of control and crashed in flames near Luisenhof Farm. Later, on the same patrol, 4 Albatros two-seaters attacked. He engaged one and shot it down out of control.
On 26.3.1918 when returning from low bombing reconnaissance over Bihucourt, his machine was attacked from behind by 12 Albatros Scouts. He fired a long burst into one of the E.A. which went down and was seen to crash. The remaining E.A. followed but could not catch up the D.H.4
Captain John Miller Brisbane, M.C., born Edinburgh, 1897; educated at George Watson's College, Edinburgh, and served with the O.T.C. there; enlisted as Private, Lovat's Scouts, 3.4.1915; commissioned Second Lieutenant, 2/4th Royal Scots, 15.10.1915; transferred to Royal Flying Corps, July 1917; qualified as Flying Officer (Observer), 19.10.1917, and posted to 18 Squadron (D.H.4's), Auchel, France; initially crewed with Captain J.L. Head as his Pilot he spent October carrying out day bombing and photo-reconnaissance operations; these including 11.10.1917, '8 20lb bombs dropped on Haubourdin' and 16.10.1917, '1 112lb bomb dropped on H.Q. in Cuincy. One bomb failed to release' (Squadron Record Book, refers); he continued to mainly fly with Head into the new year, including 25.1.1918, whilst on a photo-reconnaissance mission 'Height 17,000' Visibility fair. AA fire active. 36 plates exposed. Driven off twice by formations of 5 and 6 E.A. Formation of E.A. seen over Lille at 20,000' '; Brisbane was involved in a crash, 6.3.1918, whilst flying over the 1st Army front with Second Lieutenant W. Rochelle, 'left aerodrome 9.40am... crashed at 11.40am. Cause - Engine was shot thro' cylinders during combat with E.A. and lost all water. Pilot landed at 2 Sqdn but misjudged aerodrome and ran into ditch'; whilst flying with Captain A.G. Waller (an 11 Victory Bomber Pilot Ace), Brisbane claimed a shared forced down out of control, over Avelin, 15.3.1918, and another between Wavrin and Fromelles the following day; in late March the squadron was heavily involved in countering the German Spring Offensive, and on the 25th-26th Brisbane accounted for another 3 aircraft (see M.C. citation); on both days he was to fly with another two notable pilots - firstly A.R. Atkey, who with 38 victories was the highest scoring British two-seater ace of the war, and secondly with R.G. Gould, a veteran pilot, and subsequent Commanding Officer of 98 and 42 Squadrons; two days after his 'purple patch' Brisbane was involved in another accident, this time when his aircraft overturned on running into a shell hole; fortunately both pilot and observer were emerged unscathed; Lieutenant, Royal Air Force, 1.4.1918; returned to the Home Establishment, 4.5.1918; Brisbane was seriously injured in an aeroplane accident whilst stationed at 191 Night Training Squadron, Upwood, 6.9.1918; the resultant injuries effectively ended his operational career and he was discharged 9.5.1919.
17
The Remarkable and Very Rare 'V.C. Action, Waziristan 1919' D.F.C. Group of Eight to Group Captain E.A.C. 'Babs' Britton, Royal Air Force, Who in Partnership with His Observer Claimed at Least 3 Victories During the Great War, Before Being Shot Down By the German Ace Josef Schwendemann the Day Before the Armistice. Britton Was Taken Prisoner and His Observer Was Tragically Mortally Wounded. Becoming An 'Old Hand' on the North West Frontier, He Saved A Supply Coloumn From Attack, Scattering Tribesmen With His Low Flying Bombing - In the Same Action For Which Captain H.J. Andrews Was Awarded the Posthumous V.C.; Britton Suffered Severe Burns When He Crashed His Aircraft During a Delivery Flight in Bad Weather Over the UK, 20.1.1922; He Returned to Operational Flying After Numerous Operations and Skin-Grafts Carried Out By Sir Harold Gillies, and Rose to the Rank of Group Captain
a) Distinguished Flying Cross, G.V.R., unnamed as issued
b) British War and Victory Medals (2. Lieut. E.A.C. Britton. R.A.F.)
c) India General Service 1908-35, G.V.R., four clasps, Afghanistan N.W.F. 1919, Mahsud 1919-20, Waziristan 1919-21, North West Frontier 1930-31 (F -O - E.A.C. Britton, R.A. Force.), backstraps removed to facilitate mounting
d) 1939-1945 Star
e) Africa Star
f) Defence and War Medals, generally nearly very fine, mounted as originally worn, with the following contemporary and related items:
- R.A.F. Pilot's Log Book (11.12.1917-20.3.1934)
- An Airman's Scrapbook, C.F.S. TO C.F.S. 29 Years, by Group Captain E.A.C. Britton, the recipient's memoirs, leather bound and typed, unpublished
- Several photographic images (lot) £4,000-5,000
Footnote: D.F.C. London Gazette 12.7.1920 F.O. Edmund Arnold Courtney Britton, R.A.F. (Waziristan)
'During the period 8th August to the 31st October, 1919, he had carried out five successful bombing raids, dropping his bombs from a low altitude and obtaining many direct hits, also three offensive reconnaissances, and ten photographic reconnaissances, all successfully.
On all occasions he has shown the greatest keeness and efficiency in his work, and the example he has set to others is most praiseworthy.
On the 22nd October, 1919, information was received that a British convoy was being heavily attacked between Shinki and Khajuri Posts. This officer was immediately sent out to make a reconnaissance of the area. He found the convoy in danger of being broken up. He immediately dived on the attacking tribesmen and dropped eight bombs amongst 50 of the enemy from a very low altitude, doing great execution. After this he continued diving on the enemy, firing upon them until his ammunition was finished. It has since been officially intimated that his action saved the convoy.'
Group Captain Edmund Arnold Courtney "Babs" Britton, D.F.C., educated at Kingswood School, Bath; member of the Volunteer Training Corps, Bath, prior to joining Royal Flying Corps as a Cadet, 20.6.1917; commissioned Temporary Second Lieutenant (On Probation), 8.11.1917; after training including at Farnham, Denham, Oxford and C.F.S. Upavon he qualified as Pilot, 14.5.1918, 'after getting my wings, I was sent up solo on a Sunday afternoon to get in some flying and, I regret to have to admit, I flew to the Forest of Dean where my sister lived, flew about her house and carried out some aerobatics, no doubt of poor quality. Unfortunately the local vicar was holding a special afternoon service and, the Forest of Dean being away from usual flying areas, his congregation trotted out to see the aeroplane. Next Sunday, in his sermon, he had something to say about "That Godless young man, who disturbed our worship last Sunday, was probably a Christian once, and then he joined the Royal Air Force".' (Memoirs refer); posted for operational flying to 'A' Flight, 20 (Fighter Reconnaissance) Squadron (Bristol F2b's), Vignacourt, France, 29.8.1918, 'I was just over 19 years old, and looked considerably younger, being small, and of the pink and white variety. On the morning of my arrival, as I walked into the mess for breakfast, one of the members, I think it was George Randall, said something to the effect, "I don't know what your name is, but it should be Babs", and so it was, and the name has stuck with me ever since.' (ibid); he flew in Offensive Patrols, Line Patrols and Escorts for daylight bombing raids; he was paired with Sergeant Dodds as his Observer, 'I remember thinking on my fifth sortie that I wished I could see some Huns. Almost at once my wish was granted rather more fully than was really necessary. We engaged a formation of 20 Huns, mainly Fokker D.VII's, with a few Pfalzs, both single seater fighters. I stuck like glue to my leader, feeling very thrilled, albeit somewhat scared. I did not get a shot at a Hun, but Dodds did shoot at 2 or 3 without success. I note from my logbook, that the squadron lost 2 aircraft and destroyed 3 Huns'; Britton's Log Book gives him flying 45 operational sorties with the squadron, including, on 15.9.1918, 'Offensive Patrol, Scrap. Dodds got one', and on 22.9.1918, 'Offensive Patrol, Dodds got one & was slightly wounded'; on another eventful flight, 'I developed a failing engine over enemy territory, staggered over the lines and was fortunate to find a reasonable place to land, amongst some gunners in reserve. The German observation posts saw my aircraft on the ground, and their gunners at once shelled it, ineffectually, but gaining me immense popularity with our gunners!' (ibid).
The Armistice- A Day Too Late
Britton moved with the Squadron to Moislains, October 1918 and on to Iris Farm, when, 'on the 10th November, a squadron of D.H.9a's was detailed to bomb German rolling stock on the railway sidings at Charleroi, and 20 Squadron provided the escort, George Randall leading, and I was first deputy leader. One of the two following me, turned back early on, owing to engine trouble. Later, the 2nd, my good friend R.B. Tapp was sticking to me as well as he could but was sinking below the formation, obviously also having engine trouble. So I sent him back and tucked myself onto Randall's sub-formation. We reached Charleroi without incident, but found a strong formation of Huns awaiting us on our return, they attacked from my side.
Quite early on, Dodds was wounded in the leg and could not stand. He still managed to work his guns, until he had emptied his ammuntion pans. To change them meant standing up; this he could not do, and so his guns were out of action. We were so far over the line that our remaining petrol would not allow us to stand and fight; we had to run for it. I was being severely engaged, but by slipping from side to side, I was able to evade their fire. After some time at this, a Hun came down on the tail of a D.H.9a in front of me. I steadied up to get a sight on him, and let fly with my gun. I learnt subsequently that I had shot him down, but, unfortunately, not before he had shot the D.H.9a down. One of the following Huns seized the opportunity of my being steady, to take careful aim at me and give me a burst with both of his guns.
I felt a crash under my seat and my engine stopped. One of the petrol tanks was located there, and I knew that he had hit it. I immediately side slipped in case of fire but luckily no fire occurred. As I had used up the petrol in my other tank, I had no option but to go down. I was still being shot at, but found that by side slipping, I put him off his aim... I was fortunate in finding a decent field in which to land near to Walcourt, in Belgium. I then found Dodds slumped in the back cockpit, having been wounded a second time when my petrol tank was pierced, and most unhappily, this time mortally, the bullet having entered his chest just above his heart. The Hun who had caused the damage, an N.C.O. named Schwendemann [Josef Schwendemann - a 17 Victory German Ace], landed alongside me and was most helpful. He aided me in getting Dodds out and went to get medical aid. Some troops arrived, and one soldier, somewhat uneccessarily I thought, and certainly most unpleasantly, kept the point of his bayonet resting on my stomach whilst I was searched. A Belgian peasant and some German Red Cross men carried Dodds to the peasant's house, which was the last that I ever saw of him.
It was about 1pm when we landed, and he died at 6pm... It was tragic that he should be mortally wounded only 22 hours before the Armistice came into force.' (ibid).
A Brief Flirtation With Interogation
Britton was taken to the nearby Heaquarters of a German Army Corps, where he was interrogated by an intellingence officer on the 11th November, 'whilst this was going on, an orderly came in, gave the officer a note, which he read, he then closed his books, stood up, shook me by the hand and said "No more of this, the Armistice is now in force." A few days later Britton, with other POW's, were to march to Namur, 'We marched along the hard road, bitterly cold and in moonlight. After a while some argument broke out amongst the guard. I could not understand German, but I gathered some wanted to pack up, and others wanted to do their duty. Whatever it was, the column halted, and became disorganised. So I took the opportunity to get away, and slipped down a side path, moving at speed... After leaving the Germans, I headed west, by the stars, striking across country, until I was utterly weary. I came across a haystack, climbed onto it, snuggled down into the hay and passed out blissfully. I awoke in broad daylight to hear some Germans talking, but they soon moved off. I then heard the Belgian farmer moving about and revealed myself to him. He was somewhat nervous of harbouring me, but, good fellow, he took me into his house and fed me. Later in the day, I brought a civilian suit from him, paying by cheque, which incidentally was never presented. I also left there my sidcot flying suit which I had worn until then. Wearing my mufti over my uniform, I set out for Charleroi, passing German troops as I went. That day, the German withdrawal had left their line across the eastern part of Charleroi and all the central and western parts were celebrating their first night of liberation when I arrived.' (ibid).
Having returned to 20 Squadron, after various necessities having been performed, Britton was granted two months leave, 'whilst on leave, I visited Dodds' parents, gave them his personal belongings that had been handed to me, and repaid the money of his that I had used.' (ibid). After a brief posting at Witney, Britton applied for the Army of Occupation and was sent to join 62 Squadron, Nivelle, Belgium, at the begining of March 1919. His old squadron was nearby at Thuillies at the time so he asked for, and got, a transfer to 20 Squadron at the end of the month.
India- A First Taste
Britton left Belgium for India with 20 Squadron, 30.4.1919. He was promoted Flying Officer, 8.5.1919, and the Squadron (still flying Bristols) established itself as an Arm Co-operation Squadron flying out of Risalpur. An 'armistice was then in force, but should it break down, 20 Squadron was to bomb Kabul. We could not do this from Risalpur so an advanced landing ground had been selected for us to use at Parachinar, at the head of the Kurram Valley, the nearest point in India to Kabul.' (ibid).
"A" and "B" Flights were based at Parachinar. Britton, with Lieutenant S.P.B. de M Bucknall as his observer, was part of "A" Flight. Moving to Bannu they were part of the force seconded to deal subduing the tribal areas in and around the frontier. The initial operations took place in the Tochi Valley, 'we at once started operations, which consisted of bombing villages from which the tribal forces engaging the troops came, photography and close recconaissance in front of our column... one kept a careful eye and ear on one's engine, as we used to penetrate deep into tribal territory and the country over which we flew was so rugged that there was little hope of pulling off a successful forced landing. Had one survived a forced landing, it was not known what sort of reception one would get, but it was generally agreed that the chances were that it would be most painful, including emasculation.' (ibid).
The squadron were also tasked with answering emergency calls for troops and positions under attack. On the 22nd October, 1919 (see D.F.C. citation above), information was received that a British convoy was being heavily attacked between Shinki and Khajuri Posts, 'one afternoon, when I was stand-by pilot, a message came that a supply column had been ambushed in the Shinki Pass, a nasty defile. Bucknall and I set off... there was a real show in progress and I found the column halted, with dead mules and camels scattered about and the drivers, as I found out later, under cover. The tribesmen were lining an escarpment, dominating the pass, but on the far side... two armoured cars arrived from Idaq and we had a pretty little skirmish for some time, and drove off the attackers with a number of casualties. The commander of the armoured cars left the crews to carry on after he had placed them he got busy with a hunting crop, rounding up the Indian mule and camel drivers and getting the convoy on the move again. He was awarded the M.C. A padre, who was travelling with the convoy lost his life whilst succouring the wounded under fire, and was posthumously awarded the V.C.' (ibid).
The 'Padre' was in fact Captain H.J. Andrews, Indian Medical Service. He was the senior medical officer in charge of the Khajuri Post, and having heard that a convoy had been attacked in the vicinity set out at once to tend to the wounded. Having set up an Aid Post, and securing a van to evacuate the wounded under heavy fire he was killed whilst stepping into the van on completion of his task.
In July 1920 operations in the Tank Zam were completed and 20 Squadron returned to Parachinar for a rest. Whilst relaying the squadron's equipment back to Parachinar, Britton had to sleep a night without a mosquito net at Hangu. He awoke covered in bites and was to contract malaria. Britton was posted to 28 (Army Co-operation) Squadron (Bristols and Wapitis), Ambala, India, November 1920. The squadron was tasked with peace keeping duties on India's northern frontier.
A Nasty Crash
Suffering from re-occuring bouts of Malaria, Britton returned to the UK in the summer of 1921. He was posted to 4 (Army Co-operation) Squadron, Farnborough, August 1921. He was appointed Station Adjutant. The squadron shared Farnborough with The School of Photography, who also shared their aircraft. This was deemed unacceptible and two Bristol Fighters were to be alloted to the school, along with a Flight Commander. The two aircraft needed collection from Henlow, and Britton and Flying Officer A.A. Ward were sent to fly them back, 'We left Henlow by air after lunch on 20th Jan. 1922 in doubtful weather, but with moderate prospects. Ward had our only map and I was following him. The weather conditions deteriorated rapidly, and I had the greatest difficulty in seeing Ward; in addition to which, we were getting unpleasantly low. I finally lost sight of him, and as I could just see a railway line below me which I knew led to Henlow, I decided to return. As I turned, I ran into such dense fog that I could not see my wing tips and almost immediately saw the ground just below and ahead of me. I tried to switch off the engine, but was too late, and the next thing that I knew was that I was lying near the blazing wreckage of my aircraft, with my breeches, putties and the fur collar of my leather flying coat all nicely on fire. Fortunately, I was uninjured and able to help myself... From that moment I was perfectly collected, stripped off my leather flying coat and rolled myself in the mud (of what I learned later was the sewage farm at Stevenage), and was able to rid myself of all flames, not, however, before both my legs, my face and my left hand had been seriously burnt.' (ibid).
Britton was hospitalised at Finchley, 'I was kept at Finchley until I was up and about and all raw places healed, and then in May 1922, I was sent to the Convalescent Home for officers of all services at Osborne House, Isle of Wight, to let my face settle down before they decided on what skin grafting had to be done.' (ibid). After several more months at Osborne House, and several more operations at Finchley Britton was discharged to non-flying duties in December 1922. He was posted to the R.A.F. Depot Uxbridge and from there to Headquarters Inland Area, at Hillingdon House. Britton was passed medically fit and resumed flying with a posting to the Communication Flight at Northolt. He was posted to the Directorate of Training at the Air Ministry in 1924, and after two years there, was posted after a refresher course as Flight Lieutenant "A" Flight Commander to 43 (Fighter) Squadron, Henlow, July 1926. He moved with the squadron to Tangmere and during this period had a series of skin-graft operations carried out by Sir Harold Gillies.
India- Another Stint
Britton was posted as Flight Commander to 39 Squadron (Wapitis), 5.10.1928, and went with the squadron to India. He was stationed at Risalpur for the second time, before being appointed Adjutant and Staff Officer of No.1 (Indian) Group HQ at Peshawar, April 1929. Britton returned to squadron life with a posting to 60 Squadron, Kohat, September 1931. He commanded "B" Flight for the next two and half years, and flew with them from Miramshah, 'from the flight commander's point of view, it was as good a job as ever fell to the lot of a flight lieutenant. He was on his own, and in addition to carrying out the normal duties of flight and station commander, he had to maintain personal contact with the Resident in Waziristan, the Political Agents, North and South Waziristan, Headquarters, Waziristan District and the Bannu, Razmak and Wana Brigades, the South Waziristant Scouts and the Tochi Scouts. Another thing was that he could arrange air trips within Waziristan for practically any of the Civil or Military Officers of Waziristan, whereas to arrange such trips elsewhere in India, required authority at a very high level.' (ibid).
Second War Service
Britton left India in March 1934, and returned to the UK where he took up positions as Flight Commander at No. 5 F.T.S. and Chief Flying Instructor at No. 7 F.T.S. He served as the latter 1936-1938, being promoted to Squadron Leader whilst in the posting. Britton was seconded as Chief Flying Instructor and Advisor on Flying Training to the Air Wing, Bristol Military Mission, Egypt, January 1938. His role was to aid in the training of the Egyptian Air Force at Almaza airfield, and this was carried out under the command of the Senior Air Advisor, Group Captain (later Air Marshal Sir Victor) Tait. Britton advanced to Wing Commander, January 1939, and having served three years with the Mission he asked for a return to R.A.F. duties in January 1941.
Britton was posted as Station Commander at Khartoum and, 'after some seven weeks at Khartoum, the A.O.C. informed me that, as I was the senior wing commander in the Middle East, I was being recalled to Egypt to fill a group captain's vacancy, with acting rank... I flew back to Cairo... On my return I found that I was to take over command in March 1941, of Shallufa, the base of Nos. 37 and 38 heavy bomber squadrons, equipped with Wellingtons... One or two enemy aircraft made feint attacks on Shallufa, but we were not bombed until August... A bomber laid a stick of four 500 kilo bombs across the domestic side of the camp. Considering that, that night, there were some 1,700 people in the camp, our casualties (one killed and eight wounded) were surprisingly light. The material damage consisted of the N.A.A.F.I. being completely demolished and burned by a direct hit, and the officer's mess and quarters riddled by fragments from a near miss... I had been agitating for draft beer for the N.A.A.F.I. for a long time, and twelve barrels had arrived a few days before the bombing. There had been a painful scene with the Greek manager when he told me that, not only must the beer settle, but in the months that I had been trying to get it, he had never got the machine necessary to serve the beer. The result was that the airmen got not one drop of this beer, as it was destroyed with the N.A.A.F.I.' (ibid).
Britton left Shallufa in September 1941 and having returned to the UK was appointed Senior Air Staff Officer at H.Q. No. 50 Group, Reading. He served in this capacity until being appointed to the command of No. 7 Flying Instructors School at Upavon, May 1944. He oversaw many changes including the move to Little Rissington and a return to the unit's old name of the Central Flying School. Britton retired from the R.A.F. in December 1946.
Britton's I.G.S. is 1 of only 7 four clasp India General Service 1908-35 Medals to the Royal Air Force.
18
The 'Immediate' 1941 Wellington Captain's D.F.C. Group of Seven to Squadron Leader, Later Wing Commander, R.P. 'Ben' Widdowson, Royal Air Force, Who Flew On One of The Epic Flights of the Second World War, A Return Trip to Munster, 7/8.7.1941, When After the Bomber Being Attacked and Set on Fire By An Enemy Fighter, His Second Pilot, Sergeant J.A. Ward, Climbed Out On To the Wing of the Flaming Aircraft and Attempted to Put Out the Fire With Only a Canvas Cockpit Cover. Ward Was Awarded New Zealand's First 'Flying' Victoria Cross.
a) Distinguished Flying Cross, G.VI.R., reverse officially dated '1941'
b) India General Service 1936-39, one clasp North West Frontier 1936-3 7 (F/O R.P. Widdowson. R.A.F.)
c) 1939-1945 Star
d) Air Crew Europe Star
e) Italy Star
f) Defence and War Medals, letter 'W' engraved on edge of last two, lacquered, good very fine, with a 78 LP recording the recipient's account of the V.C. action, and a number of photographs of recipient in uniform from varying stages of his career (lot) £8,000-10,000
Footnote: D.F.C. London Gazette 29.7.1941 Sqn. Ldr. Reuben Pears 75 (NZ) Sqn. (34256), R.A.F. (in Joint Citation with Sgt. NZ401221 A.R.J. Box, Awarded the D.F.M.)
The Recommendation states: 'On the night of 7/8th, July, 1941, in Wellington aircraft L.7818, he was detailed to attack a target in Munster. On the return journey after a very successful bombing attack, and when over the Zuider Zee at a height of 13,000 feet, a vicious attack was made from below and ahead by an enemy aircraft identified as an M.E. 110. As it swept past, our Rear Gunner raked it with a burst of 200 rounds at a point blank range of 20-30 yards. The enemy aircraft immediately turned over, diving steeply towards the sea with its port engine on fire and emitting a trail of dense black smoke. With his aircraft damaged to a critical extent, and although he could have escaped by parachute, he nevertheless, set out on a determined attempt to reach his base. His under-carriage had dropped right down, the bomb-doors were shot wide open, the starboard engine was badly damaged and almost out of action, and a fire of considerable magnitude had broken out on the starboard wing. Showing excellent crew control and assisted by the wounded front gunner, tremendous efforts were made to subdue the fire, culminating in a gallant feat by the Pilot, Sergeant Ward, who, in an attempt to smother it climbed right out on to the wing. It was not until the English Coast was reached however, that the fire was subdued. By skilfully nursing his badly overheating engines and jettisoning all loose articles, and despite reduced speed and gradual loss of height, his magnificent flight was rewarded by a safe landing at Newmarket Aerodrome.
Since March this year, this Officer has taken part in twenty major operations, nineteen of which have been as Captain, and on one occasion in an encounter with an enemy aircraft his rear gunner was killed by a canon shell.
He has proved himself an excellent Flight-Commander and leader, and his determined efforts to reach the target under all kinds of difficulties have been and inspiration to all.'
Covering Remarks of Station Commander: 'The above recommendation speaks for itself. Sq/Ldr. Widdowson has not only been an exceptionally successful and determined Operational Captain but at the same time carried out important task of Flight Command in his Squadron. He is strongly recommend.'
Covering Remarks of Air Officer Commanding: 'In supporting the above recommendation, I would suggest that this Squadron Leader has proved himself to be possessed of outstanding powers of leadership and has obviously set such an example to his Flight that all the personnel have complete confidence in his decisions, otherwise I can hardly imagine it would have been possible for such excellent crew drill to have been displayed. I therefore submit this officer should be recommended for the Distinguished Service Order.'
Wing Commander Reuben Pears 'Ben' Widdowson, D.F.C., born Winnipeg, Canada, 1915; learned to fly at Winnipeg Flying Club, before moving to the England; joined the Royal Air Force, 1934, and appointed Acting Pilot Officer on Probation, later that year; posted to No.3 F.T.S., Grantham, 29.9.1934; posted as Pilot Officer to 2 (Army Cooperation) Squadron, Manston, September 1935; flew Wapitis in Waziristan, prior to his promotion to Flight Lieutenant, 15.4.1938; served with No. 1 O.T.U., until being posted for operational flying to 75 (New Zealand) Squadron (Wellingtons), Feltwell, Norfolk, 22.3.1941; flew in 20 operational sorties with the squadron, prior to his epic flight to Munster and back, 7/8.7.1941.
Forever Strong, 75 Squadron's History, gives the following account of the raid:
'Ten Wellingtons from the squadron set course for Germany, part of a force of 49 Wellingtons going to Munster on the night of 7/8 July. Bomber Command's main effort this night was to Cologne and Osnabruck, but 75's ten aircraft went to Munster. Squadron Leader Widdowson crewed one of them and his second pilot was Sergeant J.A. Ward from Wanganui. James Ward had only arrived at Feltwell on 22 June, the day before his 22nd birthday, a birthday he celebrated by flying on his first mission - to Dusseldorf. During the next five weeks, Ward flew on four more Ops, so that on 7 July, he was on his 6th trip.
For this raid, 'Ben' Widdowson had been allotted a new Wellington Ic, L7818, coded AA-R. The rest of the crew consisted of Sergeant L.A. Lawton, navigator; Sergeant A.J.R. Box, rear gunner; Sergeant W. Mason, WOP; and Sergeant T. Evans, front gunner. Ward, Lawton and Box were all kiwis; Widdowson, Canadian; Mason and Evans an Englishman and Welshman respectively.
They took off at 11.10pm, arriving over the target without incident, bombed, and began the trip home. Soon the Dutch coast was ahead, but suddenly their dark world erupted in a hail of cannon shells ripping through the underside of the Wimpy. The hydraulics were ruptured, causing the bomb doors to drop open, Mason's TR9 wireless set was smashed and the R/T severed. Nineteen-year-old Alan Box in the rear turret was wounded in the foot, but then saw their attacker - a twin-engined Me 110 night fighter - right in front of him as it banked away after its first pass. Without really thinking, Box opened fire on the 110 at pointblank range. His bullets smashed into the fighter, which fell away on its back, tugging a plume of smoke clearly seen in the moonlight. The 110 was seriously damaged and made an emergency landing at Texel.
However, the damage had been done. A petrol feed pipe in the starboard engine had been hit, and they were trailing a five-foot long tongue of flame back over the fabric-covered wing. Widdowson yelled to his second pilot to get everyone prepared for a bale out, adding, 'And see if you can put out that bloody fire!'
With the message passed to put on parachutes, Ward, Lawton and Mason started to rip away the fuselage fabric on the starboard side. Ward tried to use a hand-held extinguisher through the gap, but the slipstream was against all efforts. Ward then picked up one of the canvas covers used to cover the cockpit when on the ground and said without any fuss, 'Think I'll hop out with this.' He was going to climb out onto the wing and try to stuff the canvas cover into the burning hole to smother the flames!
Joe Lawton tried to dissuade him but Ward insisted on going out. He did agree though, to clip on his parachute chest-pack. Then, with a rope anchored around Lawton's chest, and tied about Ward's waist, the New Zealander went out through the astrodome and onto the top of the fuselage. He was met by the 100mph howling slipstream, but gradually edged his way down onto the wing, kicking foot holds through the fabric as he went. All the way he was hindered by the chest parachute but he continued down, then along the wing, punching hand and footholds in the fabric, towards the gaping hole beside the engine. Flames were still belching back from it.
Then, holding on with just one hand and both feet, he stuffed the canvas cover into the flaming hole until sheer pain forced him to let go. The slipstream then began to tug the cover from the hole, Ward having again to force itin. After this attempt he let go again, and seconds later the cover was whipped away into the night.
But the flames had lessened and, being unable to do more, he began to make his way back, helped by Lawton on the end of the rope. He finally made it and Lawton pulled him back through into the relative quiet of the fuselage after the howling gale outside. Widdowson headed out across the sea towards England, the fire now much less. A brief flurry of flame shot out shortly afterwards, but most of the fabric had now been burnt of torn off. Finally, at 4.30am, Widdowson put the battered Wimpy down at Newmarket without flaps or brakes, being halted by a barbed wire fence at the end of the landing run.
The Bomber was a write-off, and the damage had to be seen to be believed, as Fred Howell, an airman with 214 Squadron at Newmarket, records:
'As I recall, the aeroplane finished up in a barbed wire fence on the far side of the airfield. When my fellow airmen and I saw how badly shot up and burnt that aircraft was, we marvelled at its ability to have made it back to England. Half the rudder was shot away, much of the fabric covering had been burnt from the fuselage and wings, and the hydraulic system was in a sorry state.
The following morning, Newmarket's Commanding Officer ordered all personnel to parade. We assembled in front of the aircraft, which by this time had been towed adjacent to the main grandstand. The CO explained, to all on parade, Sergeant Ward's actions of the previous night and then informed us that from now on the aircraft was strictly out of bounds. It was eventually removed and I understand, broken up and written off. A pity it was not preserved for posterity.'
Joe Lawton was also amazed at the state of the Wellington:
'I was appalled by the damage to our aircraft and perhaps had we known of its full extent, we would have baled out after the fighter attack. It had become obvious to Ben [Widdowson] that the controls had also been badly damaged. Both lateral control and maintaining altitude were problems. It was not until the approach to land at Newmarket Heath, we found the landing flaps would not extend and the brakes did not operate. I believe we survived the landing only because of the experience and skill of Ben Widdowson. Only after the crew left the aircraft did we see the large part of the vertical stabilizer was missing and damage to the elevators was also considerable.'
Widdowson and his crew returned to Feltwell and went straight to bed.'
Ward received the V.C., Widdowson the D.F.C. (despite being recommended for the D.S.O.), and Box the D.F.M. Widdowson's crew was split up after the Munster raid and he was posted to No. 20 O.T.U., 25.9.1941; RCAF press release of May 1944, gives the following on the latter part of his career, 'Allied Bomber Base in Italy - Wing Commander Ben Widdowson, D.F.C., of 247 Borebank Street, Winnipeg, a Canadian who has been in the Royal Air Force for ten years, has taken command of one of the Wellington night bomber squadrons based here.
Immediately before taking his present post, Wing Commander Widdowson for four months represented the Allied governments as air liason officer with the bomber and transport section of the Italian air force, which is operating now in Allied interests.'
There is a British Pathé film still surviving of the entire crew being given the news of the announcement of Ward's Victoria Cross.
19
The '1940' Battle of France and Battle of Britain Fighter Aces' D.F.C. Group of Seven to Hurricane and Kittyhawk Pilot, Squadron Leader K.N.T. 'Hawkeye' Lee, 501 Squadron, Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve. On His First Day of Operational Flying in France He Single-Handedly Engaged 4 Enemy Aircraft, Shooting Down 2 Of Them Whilst Sustaining 37 Strikes to His Soon To Be Written Off Hurricane. Shot Down and Wounded Over France and Britain in 1940, He Went On To Join the Desert Air Force in 1942. Serving With Distinction in the Western Desert As a Flight Commander With 112 'Shark' Squadron and 260 Squadron, Lee Was Given His Own Squadron to Command in March 1943. Flying From 123 Squadron's Base at Bu Amud He Led Over 100 Hurricanes in a Strafing Attack on the Island of Crete, 23.7.1943. Hit By Ack-Ack Fire He Had to Make a Forced Landing With a Dead Engine. Shot and Taken POW, Lee Was Transferred to Stalag Luft III. Whilst Incarcerated At Sagan He Played a Key Role in Enabling "The Great Escape", 24/25.3.1944
a) Distinguished Flying Cross, G.VI.R., reverse officially dated '1940'
b) 1939-1945 Star, with Battle of Britain Bar
c) Air Crew Europe Star
d) Africa Star, with North Africa 1942-43 Bar
e) Defence and War Medals, M.I.D. Oak Leaf
f) Air Efficiency Award, G.VI.R. (Flt. Lt. K.N.T. Lee R.A.F.V.R.), generally very fine, mounted as originally worn, with the following related items:
- The recipient's Caterpillar Club gold brooch badge, with ruby eyes, reverse engraved 'P/O K.N.T. Lee'
- D.F.C. Royal Mint case of issue
- Air Ministry Letter concerning resignation of commission, dated 2.10.1945
- A Fine Photograph Album, replete with photographs from recipient's pre-war R.A.F.V.R days, through to service in the Western Desert
- The recipient's Incorporated Sales Manager's Association Certificate, named to K.N.T. Lee, examined in 'Germany whilst Prisoner of War in 1944', and dated May 1945
- A copy of Kenneth 'Hawkeye' Lee DFC, Battle of Britain & Desert Air Force Fighter Ace, by N. Thomas (lot) £20,000-25,000
Footnote: D.F.C. London Gazette 22.10.1940 Pilot Officer Kenneth Norman Thomson Lee (72998), 501 Sqn., R.A.F.V.R.
'This officer has led his section and flight with marked success. He has displayed great dash and determination and has destroyed at least six enemy aircraft.'
Squadron Leader Kenneth Norman Thomson 'Hawkeye' Lee, D.F.C. (1915-2008), born Erdington, Birmingham; educated at King Edward VI School, Birmingham, and joined the Cadet Corps there; joined the Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve as a 'weekend pilot', January 1937, 'Lee was a member of the first VR two-month 'ab initio' flying course, which assembled at Perth in Scotland on 25 January 1937. He enlisted first as an AC2 (pilot under training), being promoted to the rank of sergeant on the following day.... It was whilst at No. 11 Elementary and Reserve Flying Training School Perth that Lee first met James Harry 'Ginger' Lacey. In many ways the pair were very much alike: both were courageous and determined, plain speaking, quietly unassuming, but not lacking self belief.
While at Perth, Lee learned to fly on Tiger Moth trainers, which had a top speed of 90 mph. An 'outstanding' pilot, he soloed after only 7 hours on dual-control, being narrowly pipped to the post by Lacey on 6 hours and 55 minutes; RAF pilots generally soloed after 12 hours' training.' (Kenneth 'Hawkeye' Lee DFC, Battle of Britain & Desert Air Force Fighter Ace, N. Thomas refers - quotes from which are used throughout the footnote)
After a full years training on other aircraft Lee was issued with Royal Aero Club Aviator's Certificate No. 16.077, 27.7.1938. In January of the following year he was requested to sign up for six month's regular service. He was posted to 111 Squadron at Northolt, and 'Asked what I had flown so far, I replied, "Hawker Harts and Hinds, sir." I was informed that the squadron was equipped with the new Hawker Hurricane and that it was "like a Hart without a top wing."
And so, without further instruction or sight of a pilot's instruction manual, Lee was in the seat of a Hurricane for the very first time. He took to the aircraft as though he had been flying it since his first day of pilot training:
"I remember standing on the wing-root looking into the cockpit at all the knobs, switches and the array of intruments: an altimeter that went over 30,000ft; a flight speed meter that read in excess of 300mph; the gun-button that brought a deadly rain of fire from eight Browning 0.303 machine-guns; and the throttle that controlled a 1,030hp Rolls-Royce Merlin engine, which I had read could reach 15,000 feet in 6 minutes and 20 seconds. This was the moment I had dreamt of."
Lee very quickly became one of the squadron's best pilots and on '29th March Lee was sitting in the sergeant's mess waiting for a meal and a refreshing cuppa between flights:
"The Station Warrant Officer, a Regular, was reading something. I remember he called out in my direction, asking my initials. Of course I replied K.N.T. Lee."
What followed took Kenneth by surprise: "Congratulations," he was told, "you're an officer. Now bugger off and have your lunch in the officer's mess."
Lee was posted as a Pilot Officer to 43 Squadron at Tangmere, where he carried out further training in Hurricanes. On the 5th of September 1939, with the outbreak of the Second War having been declared two days earlier, Lee was posted to 501 Squadron. The latter was based at Filton in the West Country, as part of No. 11 Group, Fighter Command. Having arrived at Filton Lee found himself once again reunited with 'Ginger' Lacey. On the 27th November the squadron was declared fully operational and moved to Tangmere. Initially tasked with flying patrols in defence of ports and Channel convoys during the 'Phoney War', the squadron was rushed into action with the German invasion of the Low Countries.
Battle of France - A Test of Mettle
501 Squadron arrived at Betheniville on the 10th May 1940. Lee had been put in charge of the rear party flying the squadron's kit and spares over in three transport planes. As a consequence he arrived on the 11th May. One of the Bombay transport aircraft crashed landed leading to 3 fatalities - the squadron's first casualties of the war. Fortunately for Lee he arrived safely and the following day, after an abortive combat, was to claim his first two victories:
"There were four of us on patrol south of Sedan at 18,000ft - Flg Off Smith and another pilot, led by Flg. Off Malfroy, and myself. Following orders we maintained radio silence.
I was flying in what would become my regular role as rear cover. Below I saw the burst of a bomb. It could have come from an enemy bomber and so I traced the trajectory back and caught sight of four Do 17s of II/KG3. Pulling up in front of the remainder of the formation, I wiggled my wings and pointed down towards the enemy before peeling off to make my attack.
The Dorniers saw me diving in and changed to a tight defensive vic formation with one in the box as I drew ever closer. I went through the combat drill in my head. I lowered the seat and tightened my belt before turning the firing-button to 'on', and set the wingspan for a bomber and adjusted the range to 300 yards.
Closing fast, I looked either side of me, expecting to see the remainder of the section making a Number 1 Attack. But I was completely alone.
By now I was committed and I had to go in, and I got one of them, which was later confirmed by the French artillery, another one going down smoking.
Well, of course I was delighted to have a major victory only a day after arriving in France, and went back to the squadron delighted with myself until they told me how badly my aircraft was damaged; it had to be taken out of service."
Attacked by the bomber's escorting Bf 110s of StabI/ZG2, Lee's own aircraft had suffered thirty-seven strikes, including damage to the engine bearings.
"I was unsure of my position and so I put down on a French airstrip [Mourmelon] where I was given directions. The landing-ground had only recently been hit by German bombers; you could still see blue smoke wafting out of the bomb craters."
Lee's engagement was witnessed by Lt. Watelet of 136 RIF, who reported two aircraft destroyed:
"He was alone among this multitude of aircraft. He was doing a real exercise of aerobatics. We all stopped breathing as we surveyed this delicate operation. He shot down a first bomber [crashing near Messincourt], then a second one [crashing near Matton]... he flew away, chased by German fighters: that one had guts."
The remainder of Lee's formation had interpreted his signal as meaning that he had engine trouble and was returning to base. On the 13th, flying the second sortie of the day, both Lee and Lacey added to their scores, the former recalling the encounter with six enemy aircraft thus:
"We had radio contact with a control centre which told us to go on patrol, but with no indication of where we were to go or what we were to look for, or whether there was any kind of enemy activity in the air. There was no radar, although I heard the RAF had some sort of low-frequency noise detectors which were intended to assist in locating aircraft - but for us it was purely a matter of going up there and trying to find something.
That afternoon we were on patrol. I was flying as rear cover once again. I spotted a formation of Me 110s climbing through cloud. I flew ahead and gave the signal, upon which we broke and dived on the Me 110s.
This time I made a deflection shot at the leading enemy aircraft, which burst into flames. Turning back for a second crack at him I saw that the Me 110 was already plummeting vertically towards the ground, the others being chased by the rest of the squadron."
The Bf 110 flown by Leutnant Ferdinant Dunstheimer crashed near Warmeriville, with both crewmen killed.'
Dunkirk - Setting Up a Perimeter
The squadron was now involved in desperate fighting daily. It had to regularly move back as the Germans pressed on. Arriving at Anglure in the middle of May they discovered that their new temporary base was an emergency landing ground adapted from a few corn fields.
The decision to evacuate the B.E.F. via Dunkirk was made and 501 Squadron was one of the few tasked with providing air cover for the withdrawl of the troops. Lee flew defensive patrols to Dunkirk:
"We never actually flew over Durnkirk; our job was to intercept the enemy before they got anywhere near the beaches, and this we did to great effect... we flew hundreds of hours defending the ports, and virtually abandoned the idea of patrolling our own airfield; this nearly cost us dear."
Setting down at their advanced landing ground, 501 was still refuelling as eighteen Heinkel He 111s approached in perfect formation. High explosive bombs and incendiaries started landing among the Hurricanes:
"We were caught on deck and helpless to defend the airfield. I remember that Sylvo was sheltering among some drums on the other side of the airfield as the bombs began exploding all around. Lacey and Hairs were still out in the open ground and were almost thrown to the floor by the shockwaves.
Sylvo called them over to where he was sheltering. It was only as the last of the Heinkels was pulling away that they noticed the labelling on the drums, which read 'Essence Aviation' - they were sheltering in the fuel dump, and had a bomb landed near them they would have all gone up!"
Shortly after this Lee and the squadron were up and looking for trade, 'Fifteen minutes into their flight and while patrolling the area between Blangy and Abancourt, Kenneth sighted thirty He IIIs... They were escorted by about twenty Bf 110s, which could be made out on the horizon. Closing in from above and behind, Holden placed the squadron in the best attacking position.
Lee recalled the engagement:
"I was flying as a weaver when I spotted a large formation of what turned out to be Heinkel IIIs and Bf 110s. The latter were flying as escort, but turned 180 degrees and disappeared before we closed to within firing range."
'A' Flight made the first pass, with Lee at the head of Red Section, which went for the three rear aircraft; Lacey led Yellow Section. Lee recollected the combat:
"As we came down towards them we expected fire from the rear gunner. It was always very reassuring when you had silenced the rear gunner, as this allowed a clearer shot, but I don't recall any fire.
We selected our targets and hit home. My Heinkel filled the gunsight as I blasted away. But still no return fire, while the pilot failed to take any evasive action even as the bullets ripped into the bomber's fuselage.
Flying straight and level, they were easy targets, you just had to get close enough for your guns to harmonize and they fell out of the sky- we just picked them off at will."
The squadron bagged 11 confirmed and 2 more probables from the engagement, 'later that day Lee was standing just outside a jubilant mess when he heard a couple of pilots talking about the day's events and Lee's unfailing ability to spot the enemy. Somehow they got onto the subject of nicknames. "Everybody in the RAF has one, it is an inescapable fact... Let's call him 'Hawkeye'."
With the situation worsening in the first week of June the RAF were flying almost continuously, with the pilots rarely leaving their cockpits between sorties. Lee had transferred with the squadron to Le Mans and on the 6th June he destroyed a Do. 17 whilst on patrol near Boos.
Coming Down With a Wallop For the First Time
On the 10th June 1940:
"Flying with two or three other pilots from 501, we intercepted and attacked a formation of Heinkel IIIs. I was chasing them as they made for cloud cover. As I followed them in, something hit my aircraft, and to this day I still don't know exactly how I was hit. There was a loud bang and the stick went loose, and I quickly realized that the Hurricane was out of control. A bullet wound to the right hand made things more difficult, as I had no power in it.
I tried to jump, but was initially pushed back into the cockpit by the slipstream. The aircraft began to slew from side to side as it descended. Eventually it turned over and I fell out and struck the tailplane, which damaged my leg as I tumbled past too close to the fuselage. A few seconds later I pulled the ripcord and heard the gratifying bang as the parachute opened above me."
Lee drifted down towards Bernaise, just to the south of the River Seine. It was a sobering experience for Lee, having to call down to the French troops to cease-fire as he prepared to land:
"I had descended to about four or five thousand feet when they opened fire. I could hear bullets whizzing past me. They were shouting, 'Parachutist! Parachutist!' as everyone for miles began shooting at me."
Lee's exertions had diverted his attention from the important job of steering his parachute away from the thicker woodland towards a patch of more open ground:
"I glanced the top of one of the taller trees, an oak, and ricocheted my way down to the lower branches before hitting the ground with a thud, but without doing any further damage to my leg."
Fumbling through the pockets of his battledress top, Lee found his ID card, which he brandished. Thankful for his fluency in their language, he shouted: "Je suis Anglais! Je suis Anglais!" He made his way back to the squadron, but his hand injury meant that he was unable to fly again during the France campaign:
"We all got away with quite a lot, and we had lots of mishaps and lots of being shot down and came back and came back again.
I was only shot down once in France, but Sylvester was shot down at least three times, Lacey was shot down two or three times, Johnny Gibson was shot down a couple of times too. I don't know anyone who had any misgivings; all they wanted to do their own back and have another go at it."
On the 15th June Lee moved with the squadron to Dinard. The French surrendered and as a consequence the squadron had to move to the Channel Islands. 501 Squadron re-assembled at Croydon at the end of the month. Lee had flown over a hundred hours of patrols whilst in France. He claimed 5 victories out of the 45 the squadron had confirmed as destroyed for the period.
No Time For A Rest- The Battle of Britain
The squadron began to build up its strength and personnel once more. Despite being exhausted, and in Lee's case still in bandages:
"We knew we couldn't dwell on our losses, otherwise we would make mistakes and that would be the end of us. When we got back to England we re-formed at Croydon and got new aircraft, and we were just as ready to go as we were beforehand."
Lee was given extended leave to recover from his wounds. The squadron became operational again during the first week of July, and were now to operate out of Warmwell, Hampshire. They flew operational sorties on the first day of the Battle of Britain, with Lee returning to the cockpit two days later, "I was only too glad to be flying again, especially as Gibbo was still adding to his tally; he had raced ahead of me while I was still grounded by the MO."
Initially the squadron was tasked with patrolling the area encompassing the naval bases and installations of Bristol, Millford Haven, Plymouth, Portsmouth, Southampton and Cardiff. It was with the Squadron's move to Gravesend (with a forward base at Hawkinge), 25.7.1940, that they were thrust into the forefront of the attacks across Kent. 501 Squadron now formed part of No. 11 Group's Biggin Hill Sector. Coinciding with the move Lee was Mentioned in Air Marshal Sir Arthur Barratt's Despatch of 22.7.1940.
There was no time for settling in, 'The words '501 scramble' would be shouted and we'd all rush out to our aircraft, which were sitting there at absolute readiness. Our parachutes were hanging over the wing or on the tailplane so that we could pull them on quickly, while the ground-crew got the engine fired-up.
We usually scrambled in threes. Sometimes we formed up over the aerodrome into a section, or more rarely at squadron strength.
Our aircraft were dispersed at four points around the grassed airfield to make enemy bombing more difficult. Sitting in our tents waiting for the scramble, we could get into the air in one and a half minutes.
With time, those of us who survived, at any rate, fell into habits. I would 'christen' the tailwheel before taking off, while Lacey was often physically sick by his tailplane whenever he heard the phone ringing at dispersals or when the Tannoy announced a scramble - we all swore that when the war was over we would never have a phone.'
Lee was living up to his nickname again when he spotted an enemy formation flying over Dover Harbour, 25.7.1940, 'The squadron was patrolling one and a half miles north-east of Dover. I sighted enemy aircraft diving onto Dover Docks and immediately led the squadron towards them, when the Dover Defence Barrage opened up. I engaged one Me 109 pulling up from machine-gunning and bombing the docks, at first with a full deflection and then followed it round to take a further shot from full astern. My tracer ammunition passed through the enemy aircraft, which dived steeply towards the sea, followed by Blue 3....There were our Spitfires and other Me 109s engaged in the vicinity.'
Four days later saw a return to Dover, '0725 hours to patrol over Dover at 5,000 feet, which was later changed to 8,000 feet. After flying north-east over Sandwich I led the squadron round south-west towards Hawkinge. At this moment, approximately at 0745 hours, I saw about forty dive-bomber Ju 87s coming out of the sun. As we had been warned not to cross the Dover AA Barrage, I led the formation round on the west of it and then turned to intercept the Ju 87s, which by this time had finished their bombing and had climbed to about 2,000 feet.
The squadron dived to the attack and a general dogfight developed. I chose a Ju 87 and got on to its tail firing at it for 10 secs [1,350 rounds] at about 300 yards, seeing my tracer entering it. It dived down pouring out white smoke.'
Lee claimed another Ju 87, 12.8.1940, when he encountered 30 enemy aircraft attempting to bomb a destroyer between Deal and Ramsgate, 'I attacked dive-bombers returning from attacking shipping in Thames Estuary. Two stragglers, one was attacked by another Hurricane and crashed on fire into the sea. Pilot jumped out. Self attacked other enemy aircraft and closed to seventy-five yards, pulling away to avoid E/A. Saw explosion and flash in E/A, and on turning to engage again, E/A had disappeared. There being no cloud at that height enemy aircraft considered definitely destroyed.'
Saved By a Parachute Again- "Playing Through"
On the 18th August Lee was to be on the receiving end of an extraordinary piece of flying. Flying over Canterbury at 17,000 feet Lee's formation was bounced by a Bf 109 flown by Oberleutnant Gerhard Schopfel. Schopfel had been newly promoted to the command of the elite Luftwaffe Jagdeschader 26 II Gruppe. Ordering his men to keep altitude Schopfel dived down, unseen, onto the Hurricanes:
'What happened in the next five minutes was to cost the life of one pilot and effectively put three more out of the fighting for much of the remainder of the battle, at the same time earning Schopfel the Ritterkreuz.
Lee picked up the story:
"We were all flying in a very tight formation climbing up to a rendezvous given by the radar people, and I was flying in the very centre of the squadron; if anything I would have thought that I was very safe from attack.
For the one and only time that I flew with the squadron, I was not acting as weaver. This role was being performed by two new pilots, who apparently did not see their attackers."
Of the 'weavers', Plt. Off Kozlowski was badly wounded, his aircraft crashing on Raynham's Farm, near Whitstable. Plt. Off John Welburn Bland was killed, his Hurricane burying itself in the ground at Calcott Hill, Surrey. Next in Schopfel's gunsights was Sgt. Don McKay, who was shot down over Dargate. McKay was burnt before he managed to parachute to safety; receiving further injuries when he landed in a tree; his aircraft crashed in Clapham Hill.
Three pilots had been shot down in rapid succession, none having time to call out even a warning to the rest of the formation, let alone take evasive action or fire their own guns.'
Lee was the last to fall:
"A bullet hit my leg, which shot up in the air, and then another explosive bullet struck the metal behind me and filled my shoulder with little fragments, and a moment later a big burst of oil, smoke and flames came up between my legs from the main tank.
I tried the controls but it was obvious my Hurricane was finished - there was too much smoke and flames. So, with the experience of my previous effort when I had bailed out and struck the tailplane, I rolled the aircraft on its back and pushed the stick foward and released my Sutton harness before pulling the canopy back. I had forgotten to disconnect the oxygen, which I quickly did, and baled out. My aircraft continued to dive earthward-bound, streaming flames and smoke.
Landing in a cornfield near Whitstable, I felt my flying-boot filling up with blood; it was like wearing a wet Wellington. I was immediately 'captured' by an old chap who was wearing a uniform cap from the 1914-18 War. He levelled a rifle at me, which I later learned he had captured from the Turks at Gallipoli. I was out of uniform and wasn't carrying ID, and so he wouldn't believe that I was British. It was such a beautiful day that I had taken my flying-jacket off and put it in the tail and was flying in shirtsleeves and with no means to identify myself.
The London Irish arrived and took me to the Golf Club, where I was given brandy to 'encourage' me a little bit. Some of the members were coming in from playing golf and complained about an aircraft coming in low and disturbing them from their putting. I heard in the background: 'And who is that chap over there with the dirty shirt... and I don't believe he's even a member.'
They brought up an ambulance eventually. I was able to hobble to the transport, and was taken to Leeds Castle, where they took the bullet and shrapnel out and patched me up.'
Lee was placed on recuperation leave and was non-effective until the end of September. 501 Squadron, and Lee, moved to RAF Kenley, 10.9.1940, with their role to be primarily the defence of London against daylight attacks. On the 28th September Lee was back in the air:
"We were still in the front line and seeing almost daily losses. I had only just been declared 'operational' and was a little 'rusty'; I hadn't flown for nearly six weeks.
The CO gave me permission to make a solo sortie, which I flew between noon and 1250 hours. I didn't make contact with the enemy, but I felt a certain sense of satisfaction at having got my first flight under my belt. It was good to be back in a Hurricane again. I was eager to do my bit; it was what I had trained to do."
October brought with it the award of the D.F.C. for Lee and he was back in the thick of it again, 11.10.1940, when intercepting thirty Bf 109s near Robertsbridge, 'I was at the rear of the formation, acting as spotter. I picked out the enemy and radioed to my CO. It was a pretty ferocious dogfight. We were used to being outnumbered three, four, or five to one - it just meant there was no shortage of enemy targets. You'd get a squirt at one or two, but you couldn't hang around to make certain of a 'kill', otherwise one would get on your tail and that would be it.'
Two days later Lee was promoted to Flying Officer. He flew his last operational sortie with the squadron 16.10.1940, and the Luftwaffe arranged a parting gift for him at Kenley the following night, 'We never got used to the glow in the night skies over London. That night, however, we got a little taste of what the city was suffering when at about 8pm one of the bombers flew directly overhead. I heard the sound of bombs dropping from altitude before and knew to take cover; a stick of five or more fell directly on Kenley, with one blast following another in rapid succession.
You felt so helpless on the ground. I'd rather have been in the air in a Hurricane taking on any odds than sitting there waiting for the next explosion.'
Lee was given a day's leave to go to Buckingham Palace for the investiture of his D.F.C., 'The King stood at a doorway; discreetly behind him was an officer who handed the King each medal for presentation as the names and respective awards were called out. After what seemed an age I was at the front of the queue and my name called out. As I approached His Majesty I managed somehow to catch my shoe on the marker on the carpet where I was supposed to halt in front of the King. It was an embarrased FO who glanced at the King, picking up on his severe expression.'
At the same time that Lee was awarded the D.F.C., Percy Morfill (another member of 501 Squadron) was awarded the D.F.M. In more comfortable surroundings Lee had a better day, 'we took advantage of the lull and celebrated the double award in style. Kenley's Station Administration Officer was a theatrical agent before the war, and he somehow arranged for Ralph Lynn and the girls from the Windmill to perform songs and dance numbers in the officers' mess - it was quite a night!'
Lee's operational tour was over. 501 Squadron had been on continuous operational service (apart from the brief period of re-equipping at Croydon after the fall of France) since the 10th May:
"We lost more pilots killed or wounded than any other RAF squadron [engaged in both air battles], all of which were rested.
By the end of 1940 there were still eight of the twenty people who started in France left in the squadron; all the rest were replacements of one type or another.
And most of those eight had been wounded and come back to the squadron several times, and men like and McKay had been in action from the very start... While we were at Gravesend and in the thick of the battle Keith Park said, 'No. 501 will stay at Gravesend and pilots who want a posting can have one', but of course, none asked.
I remember talking to my pal Gibbo at one of our reunions at Filton. He had met Keith Park after the war and asked him why we were never rested. Park simply replied, 'I always knew I could depend on 501.'
A Well Earned Rest- Before a Sortie Over the Jungle
At the end of November 1940 Lee was posted to a Special Duties Flight at Stormy Down. Here he was supposed to work as a test pilot for Rolls-Royce, carrying out altitude tests for the development of Spitfires. This posting was extremely short lived as the Air Ministry had made a basic clerical error. Whilst they had picked an excellent pilot, they had also picked a pilot who had never flown a Spitfire before! As a consequence Lee was posted as 'C' Flight Commander to the newly formed No. 52 O.T.U. at Crosby-on-Eden. His instructorial duties encompassed combat techniques and air-air fighting in Hurricanes. Whilst he was stationed at Crosby-on-Eden his efforts during the Battle of Britain were recognised when he was Mentioned in Despatches for a second time (London Gazette 1.1.1941).
Lee moved with the unit to Aston Down in August 1941, where he undertook a conversion course to Spitfires. He was promoted Flight Lieutenant, 3.9.1941. Fully recuperated Lee requested a transfer back to a fighter unit. In December 1941 it appeared that his wish had come true as he was to be posted to 79 Squadron (Hurricanes) at Pembrey. His hopes, however, were dashed at the last minute when an experienced pilot was required to lead fifty-plus pilots on the Takoradi - Cairo delivery route. Having reached Sierra Leone by boat Lee and his command embarked on suppyling aircraft to the Middle-East theatre of operations flying by the West African route.
Under Lee's 'charge was a group of British and Commonwealth pilots... There would be a brief period for acclimatization while their Hurricanes were made ready for the long haul.
The crated aircraft arrived by sea, some in the same convoy in which Kenneth had travelled, and were reassembled before being given a test flight. Once declared airworthy, they were assigned to a ferry pilot and flown through the heart of West Africa to the Sudan. The journey of some 3,500 miles was a treacherous one, taking the pilots over almost impenetrable swamp and jungle and the blistering heat and sand of the Sahel desert. There were landing stages every 400-500 miles along the way, where the aircraft were refuelled and the pilots grabbed a brief rest before continuing on the next leg of their journey. There was little margin for error, and engine failure or a slip-up in navigation meant almost certain death.'
Having delivered his cargo to Egypt, Lee decided to take matters into his own hands and requested a meeting with Air Vice-Marshal Arthur Coningham. As a consequence Lee was posted as Flight Commander to 112 (Shark) Squadron (Kittyhawks), Gambut No. 2, June 1942.
The DAF- 112 Squadron
Lee's new squadron was a fighter-bomber squadron commanded by his old friend Billy Drake. The squadron was part of No. 239 Wing and were tasked with flying escort missions and ground-attack operations in support of the 8th Army throughout the campaign in the Western Desert. Having experienced swamps and jungles, this was something new for Lee to contend with, 'After thirst, the greatest enemy was the climate. The seemingly endless barren sands were baked by the scorching sun by day, while a cloudless sky meant near-freezing temperatures at night. A full moon might help illuminate a target for the enemy.
There were the dust-storms too, which would whip up apparently without warning, getting sand into the aircraft's engines and hydraulic systems and rendering them useless. Despite the use of special filters, which had to be changed after every flight, the average life span of an aero-engine was only forty to sixty hours, after which it had to be completely stripped down and rebuilt.'
With the 8th Army being in general retreat flying close air-support was especially hazarduous due to the frequently changing position of the front line. On the 12th of June Lee was introduced to his new type of aircraft:
'My first close-up sight of one of No. 112's Kittyhawks left me with a good impression. It was comfortable and had a bigger cockpit compared with the Hawker Hurricane.... I took one up for a familiarization flight. I soon discovered that the electrical systems, unlike the hydraulics of the Hurricane, could be tempremental, while there were thirty switches to turn on before you even got airborne!
Throwing the Kittyhawk around, I realized that it was quite sluggish compared to the Hawker Hurricane. Its handling was not as good, which meant that you couldn't turn into the Messerschmitt Me 109 - a manoeuvre I'd used to save my life more than once during 1940. I hated to think what its flying characteristics would be like when carrying a 250lb bomb.'
Having carried out several training flights and moving air-strip twice due to the rapidly advancing Germans, Lee made his first operational sortie on the 19th June. The latter was an armed reconnaissance over the area between Sidi Omar and Bardia, 'from high above the Front, Lee could see that the German advance had nearly overrun Sidi Azeiz and Fort Capuzzo, the British retreating ahead of them and congesting the coast road. A pall of smoke hung over Tobruk, the acrid smell filling his cockpit.'
Two days later Lee took part in a raid led by Flight Lieutenant Leu on the landing-ground at Sidi-Azeiz, having dropped his bomb, 'I immediately came under intense ground-fire, with great arcs of red tracers passing all around my Kittyhawk. I lined up on one of the ack-ack guns and opened up with my six 0.50 calibre machine-guns, seeing the bullets churning up great clouds of sand that enveloped the gun position.'
One aircraft from the formation was shot down, whilst Leu had to make a forced landing a short distance away from the target. Lee assumed command and oversaw an attempt for one of the Kittyhawk's to make a rescue landing to pick Leu up. Despite providing covering fire and circling several times the German fire pinned Leu down so that he was unable to make a dash for the Kittyhawk. The formation returned to base, rearmed and set off to have another go at rescuing Leu. When they arrived he was no longer there. On the same day news of the fall of Tobruk reached the squadron.
The German forces crossed the Egyptian border and Lee's squadron were ordered to locate the enemy's advanced columns. Once they were aware of the positions they were to fly bomber-escorts against the hundreds of German vehicles on the move, 23.6.1942, 'We accompanied the Douglas A-20 Bostons to the target area before peeling off for independent dive-bombing, our 250lb bombs peppering the concentrations.'
Over the course of the next week 212 Squadron were in constant action often flying over twenty escort missions combined with mulitple solo bombing sorties a day. On the 25th June Drake led Lee and four other Kittyhawk's on a dive bombing mission, 'Drake led usin. As we released our bombs, each of us immediately pulled up and came around again to draw the ack-ack gunners' fire while the next Kittyhawk made its approach. It was a hairy business at times.'
With the arrival of the next day, 'we were all exhausted by the previous day's flying. Little did we then know, but that day we would set a new DAF record, completing sixty-nine bomber escort and dive-bombing sorties, mainly aimed at the enemy advance around Charing Cross junction... It was all about a quick turn-around: we took off; located the enemy; dive-bombed; and landed. We hadn't even stopped moveing before the ground crews descended on the aircraft. Our ground crews were some of the best in the RAF. Starved of spares and using old tools that would have been long since discarded back in the UK, they kept the aircraft at an amazing eighty per cent serviceability.
They would eagerly ask if you'd hit anything with your bomb or during a strafe, and commiserate if you'd no claims to make, and tell you that you'd have better luck next time. And then they would ask if anything needed seeing to. As we climbed out and went to debriefing, the aircraft was rapidly refuelled and rearmed.'
The enemy had advanced to within 12 miles of the squadron's base, and so they were forced to move again on the 27th June. On the same day Lee flew on another bombing mission, 'Our target was a concentration of artillery and their support vehicles, which were located on an escarpment around LG 102. Our bombs all landed in the target area, and we scored at least one direct hit and left a second vehicle in flames. I think another nine or ten were reported as 'damaged'.'
Over the next few days Lee led formations on countless sorties, things started to take their toll on the 7th July, 'It was about this time that Lee fell ill, complaining of severe headaches and nausea. He was confined to his tent, and a visit from the MO resulted in a diagnosis of Sand Fly Fever, one of the many scourges of the desert. Grounded, Lee was hospitalized in Alexandria and taken off squadron strength.'
260 Squadron
Lee was bed-ridden for a number of weeks and was unable to return to active duty until September 1942. He was posted to 260 Squadron, as part of No. 233 Wing. Arriving at LG 97 in the desert he was reunited with Kittyhawks for a second time. Lee was a Flight Commander, and he flew his first operational sortie with the squadron 12.9.1942. He carried out a large number of sorties against a now retreating Afrika Korps, including 7th October, flying at the head of eight Kittyhawks targeting 200 dispersed motor vehicles and troop encampments located on the El Taqa plateau:
"We had released our bombs from about 1,500ft, destroying one vehicle and damaging several others, and were just beginning our strafing runs when Sgt. Harttung's aircraft was hit. I immediately flew a decoy attack while Harttung wrestled with his controls, managing to pull out of the danger zone. As he did so I ordered the withdrawal. I was determined we would give him the best chance, and so we flew at reduced speed and escorted him back to base."
Two days later he took part in a multi-squadron attack on an enemy aerodrome west of El Daba:
"The ack-ack was pretty 'hot' and I had to throw my Kittyhawk about in order to avoid the tell-tale puffs of grey smoke with their deadly shrapnel. The mission was a great success and we damaged about fifteen transports and sprayed the whole temporary encampment. It was exhilarating, but quite frightening, too."
On the 20th October he led an escort of seven Kittyhawks in a dogfight against ten Bf 109s. He was engaged in a similar action three days later whilst flying a fighter sweep over the Daba area.
El Alamein
260 Squadron were heavily involved in the battle of El Alamein, 23rd October - 11th November 1942. Lee was in action throughout, mainly leading top cover escort missions fending off Axis fighter attacks. On the 24th and the 25th his formation saw off fighters, whilst escorting Bostons to attack the 15th Panzer Division, 'Four MC 202s approached our formation, but this time they hung around to fight, and we damaged two of them without loss'. On the 26th he led an armed reconnaissance, during which his formation dive-bombed and strafed sixty motor transports whilst under heavy ack-ack fire. On the same day whilst flying escort on a bombing raid on Fuka, 'As we left the target area the five MC 202s re-engaged. I put our Kittyhawks into position and we delivered our attack. While I fired at several enemy aircraft without results, some of the other pilots were more successful. Flg Off Aitchinson destroyed one and Sgt Meredith another. But he was shot down south-west of Daba as we withdrew and was taken prisoner.'
On the 29th Lee's tactical abilities came to the fore again, when he led his formation on a dive-bombing attack, 'while preparing to strafe, I sighted fighters lining up to catch us unawares. I immediately radioed to disengage, and led the squadron in a battle-climb. The combat was frantic but we had the upper hand on this occasion and destroyed three Bf 109s, with another two reduced to 'probables' by our intelligence officer, while another was claimed as damaged; all without loss.'
On the 1st November Lee led a squadron strength dive-bombing sortie against the 90th Light Division HQ:
"We made the normal approach to target, flying out over the Mediterranean to prevent the enemy mapping our progress westwards across the desert, and then making landfall roughly north of our intended target. Climbing to around 8,000ft, we made our approach, looking out for enemy aircraft and ack-ack as we got closer. I led our Kittyhawks, dropping to between 2,500 and 1,500ft before releasing my 500lb bomb, flying across the target from south to north. We scored a number of direct hits and some near-misses both on the railway track and on the nearby fork in the road.
Once we had cleared the target area the ack-ack died down. There was no sign of enemy fighters, although our controller vectored us onto possible enemy aircraft in the El Alamein Box; we patrolled but saw nothing and landed back at base."
On the 3rd November Lee had a close shave:
"We descended to 9,000ft over the target area, dropping our bombs and observing bursts straight across the runways and the dispersal point. There were no aircraft visible on the deck, which was dissapointing.
I went around again at low level, hitting a truck and 88mm gun as great arcs of tracer came up over my head. One shell hit my aircraft in the windscreen and entered the cockpit, which was momentarily filled with a blinding light. The round passed through the canopy above my head; I was shaken but uninjured."
Later the same afternoon:
"We released our bombs on the motor transport from about 1,500ft. They were putting up light ack-ack and some small-arms fire, but we made a second pass to strafe. My aircraft suffered minor damage, while Flt. Sgt Barber was slightly wounded and his aircraft damaged.
Our tally included one tank, a wireless tender, several lorries, a tented encampment and a gun-pit. We started several fires and left the scene in a pall of smoke."
Towards the end of the battle 260 Squadron had a new Intelligence Officer posted to them - one Pilot Officer Christopher Lee, of later acting fame. In his biography Christopher described his namesake as 'nerveless' and a 'phenomenal shot'. On the 10th November Lee reaffirmed his shooting ability, 'while on their return flight and making a low-level strafe of the enemy's positions, Lee spotted an MC 202 positioning itself above and behind his aircraft ready for an attack. Kenneth manoeuvred his way out of danger with a really sharp turn:
"He went straight on and so I dived behind him, placing the Italian fighter in my sights."
For a pilot of Kenneth's ability, it was an easy shot, and the MC 202 quickly went down in flames... While flying at very low level down a narrow pass, Lee had spotted a German pointing his rifle towards his Kittyhawk:
"I thought some chance, and flicked the 'v's as I sped overhead. Flying on, a few minutes later I noticed the engine began misfiring. Suddenly it seized-up. I was flying at under 1,000ft, too low to bale out, and was forced to make an emergency landing. I guess he had the last laugh, although he would never have known the damage he inflicted.'
123 Squadron- Operation Thesis, Shot Down Over Crete On the 19th November Lee was posted to No. 22 P.T.C. After a brief rest he was posted to 123 Squadron (Hurricanes), Mehrabad, Tehran, at the end of December 1943. Lee was promoted Squadron Leader and given command of 123 Squadron at the end of March 1943. The squadron also moved to Bu Amud, near Tobruk, having been given a new role in shape of the defence of the Eastern Mediterranean. Throughout April-June the squadron flew a number of shipping and convoy patrols in the lead-up to the invasion of Sicily.
On the 21st July Lee received orders from Group Captain Max Aitken (the son of Lord Beaverbrook) that he was to lead a large strafing attack of 109 Hurricanes on the island of Crete:
"He told me we were to fly a bombing and strafing raid to 'stir up the Germans in Crete'. I asked who was leading the raid, to which Aitken replied, 'You are.' It was the first I had heard of it, although planning was clearly already well advanced, and although we weren't provided with any maps or photographs of enemy positions."
Operation Thesis was planned as direct response to the killing of hostages following the Commando raid on the island on the night of 4th July. The air attack would mean a gruelling 500 mile round trip for Lee and his formation. Leaving Bu Amud at 0730hrs on the 23rd July, 'it took longer than anticipated for the aircraft from Bu Amud to form-up with the other squadrons involved in the operation, the Derna and Sidi Barrani wings, both of which were navigated by two Beaufighters of 227 Squadron.
The Derna Wing would cross the south coast of the island, while the Sidi Barrani Wing was to attack the eastern end of the island, hitting transport, storage dumps, RDF stations and barracks... Meanwhile, sweeping in at ground-level, the Hurricanes attacked targets along the Tymbaki-Lykastos road. No. 123 Squadron shot-up and set alight between four and six lorries, along with an ammunition dump, while two large houses were hit, one of which was believed to be the OCs house. The operation was carried out at zero feet...
Lee had been told to expect only light ack-ack, but it proved to be very heavy between Mandia and Tymbaki aerodromes on the way out. Sqn Ldr K.N.T. Lee, Flg. Off J.D. Le Mare and Flt. Sgt F.W. Farfan were all shot down, along with ten Hurricanes from other squadrons... No. 123 Squadron landed back at base at 1015 hours and in the middle of a sandstorm. During the debrief the carnage became clear; last reports of Lee were that he had dived down to strafe an ack-ack position and not been heard from since... On the return journey Lee's aircraft was hit, by what he wasn't sure, only that his shoes were covered in oil, which was spraying around the cockpit... His Hurricane engine soon began to overheat, and the aircraft rapidly lost power. It was only a matter of time before the engine seized. Moments later he was wrestling with the controls of his damaged aircraft, the engine now dead.
Seeing a small gap in the olive trees and other obstacles, Lee went through the dead-engine drill that he had practised so many times before, though under non-combat conditions and with the knowledge that he could pick up the engine should he fluff it. Training, skill, luck, all played their part, and Lee's damaged aircraft bounced and slid before it ploughed to a halt; he had executed a perfect wheels-up landing.
Having destroyed his Identification Friend or Foe (IFF) equipment, Lee set his aircraft alight using the thermite bomb. Racing from the wreckage before the petrol tanks blew and the ammunition started detonating, he turned back to check that the flames had caught hold. Suddenly a shot rang out and he was struck down by a blow. Felled to the floor wounded, he was amazed to find that there was no sign of blood, the bullet having gone through his webbing and buckle, and embedded itself in an ammo pouch. There had been no time to draw his Service revolver and shoot it out - and there was nowhere to make a break for, anyway. When Lee picked himself up he found a figure standing over him brandishing a gun:
"I handed over my revolver and was marched off. My guard proceeded to discharge my gun as we walked along. It was something of a relief to be handed over to the Wehrmacht who were in a local village."
Stalag Luft III- The Great Escape
Lee was taken to the Army HQ at Heraklion before being flown to Athens. He was next transported to Vienna before being delivered to the interrogation centre at Obeursel near Frankfurt, 'initially Lee was denied food and water and placed in solitary confinement. His guards had orders to check on his cell every half-hour or so and to use any necessary force to ensure he was unable to steal even a moment's sleep. Then came the face-to-face questioning, which followed a pattern familiar to many:
"First of all I was handed a fake Red Cross form which I was instructed to complete. The questions included my squadron number, base, type of aircraft flown, etc. I refused to even acknowledge the document.
Next they tried a different tack and fired questions at me, looking for any response. But I played them like a bridge opponent and gave not hint of emotion.
They took me out of my cell and into a nearby wood, where there was an inn. We had a drink and they tried befriending me. That failed, too, and they eventually took me back to the camp."
After nearly a week of further interrogation and confinement Lee was transferred by train and truck to Stalag Luft III, at Sagan in Poland. Upon arrival 'all were fingerprinted and photographed before the further indignity of delousing. The final part of the process was assigning of a POW number. For the next twenty months Sqn Ldr K.N.T. Lee, D.F.C., R.A.F.V.R., would be Prisoner No. 1861. Lee and his companions queued to receive a one-off issue of bedding, a face towel, cup and cutlery, before release into one of the compounds, where a small reception committee awaited them; Lee would later be moved into the North Compound.
All new POWs were 'grilled' by the camp's Intelligence Committee; credentials had to be verified before they could enter a mainstream hut, as collectively and individually, those incarcerated were not unnaturally wary of newcomers and the possibility of enemy infiltration - and at Stalag Luft III the stakes could not have been higher.
Kenneth's introduction was smoother than many; his identity was quickly confirmed, probably by Ken Mackenzie of 501 who had been 'in the bag' since 1941. Mackenzie had been one of the designers of the wooden vaulting-horse, only recently deployed to cover the tunnelling exploits of Michael Codner, Flt Lt Eric Williams and Oliver Philpot. The equipment had to appear heavy, while being both strong and light. The tunnel excavation would take 114 days, the trio eventually escaping on the night of 29th October 1943, and making neutral Sweden on 15th November.'
Lee had arrived at Sagan when the whole of the North Compound was involved in a major escape plan. The plan had been devised by Squadron Leader Rodger Bushell, a man with several escape attempts to his name and as Lee comments, 'Bushell's plan was audacious, and if it was successful, would involve the mass escape of over two hundred officers. There would be not one but three tunnels, all dug simultaneously, and codenamed 'Tom', 'Dick' and 'Harry'; in the event only 'Harry' would be used.'
The excavation of the three tunnels led to the problem of what to do with the tons of soil and sand. A plan 'was devised by Lt. Cdr Peter Fanshawe, FAA, to conceal long bags of sand in the POWs' trouser legs. The withdrawal of a pin opened one end of the bag, and the tunnel spoil emptied-out and could be blended into the existing soil by the airman's feet'. Lee was one of the so-called 'Penguins', the men whose job it was to dispose of a few pounds of sand every trip:
"We waited for the all-clear and made our way to the tunnel entrance from where the sand was continually being brought up. The sausage shaped bags were filled over sheets so any spillages could be tidied away immediately in the event of a raid.
The movements of the guards were monitored while they were inside the compound. This way we knew when the route out of Barracks No. 104 was clear.
On the given signal, I'd step out and head for the area we used for sports and Appel. There'd be one activity or another carefully staged to stir up the earth and help us 'hide' the sand, mixing it up with the grey topsoil.
There were deep latrines, and these were filled, too; anywhere that you could think of became a dumping-ground, but it was crucial the Germans didn't spot the bright yellow sand, otherwise they would know we were digging."
In January 1944 prisoners were allowed to move between huts until 2200 hours. This allowed tunnel digging at night, and more time for the dispersal of waste, 'Kenneth and the other 'Penguins' were able to take kitbags to Barracks No. 104, where they exhanged them for those filled with sand.
Picking up the 50lb load and throwing it over his shoulder, Kenneth made certain there were no holes which might leave an incriminating trail in the snow. Waiting on the threshold, he looked for a signal to make a dash for Barracks No. 109, which lay opposite. If there were reports of German guards, or 'Goons', in the vicinity, the bag would be stashed under a bunk, otherwise he would skirt around Barracks No. 120 to the theatre and seat 13, under which was concealed a trap-door. The kitbag would be carefully lowered down to the men in the void under the seating whose job it was to empty and compact the sand. Meanwhile, Kenneth was handed an empty kitbag which he hid under his coat before stepping out into the night air ready to repeat the journey.The damp sand had an odour to it, which could be disguised by cigarette smoke, and so the theatre became the smoker's dayroom. Meanwhile rehearsals began for Pygamlion which was due to run from 25 to 29 March; the performance provided cover for additional activity in the theatre and the costume department."
Lee split his time between disposing of the sand and acting as a look-out:
"It was important that you performed more than one task otherwise you would be noticed. I sometimes sat on guard reading a book, but really watching the German movements. If there was a guard heading for a sensitive area, I would close the book, and this signal would be seen by another POW in an adjacent hut, and the word would be passed.
I ventured down 'Harry', but wasn't a part of the digging team: they were all expert tunnellers. The sides of the shaft were shored-up using our bed-boards, but fine grains of yellow sand came down from between the timbers at the slightest touch."
With the escape attempt planned for the 24/25th of March, Lee was one of the unlucky ones to miss out from the names drawn out of a hat. On the night of the escape:
"As the hours passed, all of us wondered how the night would end. How many would get out? Would the tunnel be discovered?
A little before 0500 hours our questions were answered when a shot rang out, followed by several seconds of silence. Everyone in my room froze, waiting for what would happen next.
Then the 'balloon went up'. One of the guards blew his whistle, and the occupants of the guardroom descended on the tunnel exit and the woods beyond."
Despite the tunnel being discovered seventy-six prisoners escaped. However, as Lee and his fellow officer's left behind in the camp were to find out fifty of the escapers were later shot.
With the advance of the Russians in January 1945, Lee and his fellow residents of Sagan began their forced march and transportation away from the nearing front line. This culiminated with their liberation at Lubeck at the beginning of May 1945.
After the War- Time for Something Exotic
Lee returned to England at the end of May 1945. He resigned his commission in the R.A.F.V.R. in December of the same year, and 'he decided to emigrate, and initially travelled to Africa, settling in Tanganyika Territory... where he worked as a commodities trader with the United Africa Company, dealing in cattle skins, beeswax, cotton and later still in rubber.'
His travels took him to Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda before moving to Dalkey, County Dublin, Ireland, in 1955. After two years in Canada Lee returned with his family to Ireland and continued with the business he had set up there. He lived out the rest of his life between Spain and the north of England.
20
A Good Second War 1943 'Malta, Nightfighter Ace's' D.F.C. Group of Five to Squadron Leader H.G. 'Nick' Edwards, Royal Air Force, Recommended For the George Medal For Saving a Cadet From a Burning Aircraft in 1941; He Went On To Fly With Distinction Over Malta; Claiming 4 Of His 7 Victories in 11 Nights, He Was Killed in an Air Crash Over Malta, 6.5.1943
a) Distinguished Flying Cross, G.VI.R., reverse officially dated '1943' and additionally engraved 'Nick H.G. Edwards', in Royal Mint case of issue
b) 1939-1945 Star
c) Air Crew Europe Star
d) Africa Star
e) War Medal, extremely fine, in card box of issue, the remains of the torn address label reading 'Edwards ... [M]on.', with the following related documents:
- Memorial Scroll, named to 'Squadron Leader H.G. Edwards Royal Air Force', in original envelope
- King's Commendation for Brave Conduct Certificate, named to 'Flight Lieutenant H.G. Edwards, Royal Air Force', and dated 1.1.1942
- Air Council enclosure for the campaign stars and medal, named to 'Squadron Leader H.G. Edwards' (lot) £4,500-5,500
Footnote: D.F.C. London Gazette 16.2.1943 Flight Lieutenant Henry Grahame Edwards (36227), No. 89 Squadron
'Flight Lieutenant Edwards has displayed exceptional ability during night flying operations and has destroyed 5 enemy aircraft. During July and August, 1942, 22 enemy aircraft were destroyed by a detachment of his squadron while under his command. Throughout, this officer has shown courage, resource and devotion to duty of a high order.'
K.C.B.C. London Gazette 1.7.1941 Flight Lieutenant H.G. Edwards (36227) (Acting)
K.C.B.C. London Gazette 1.1.1942 Flight Lieutenant H.G. Edwards (36227)
Also Recommended (jointly with Squadron Leader J.C.M. Lunn) for the George Medal, Acting Flight Lieutenant Henry Grahame Edwards (36227), No.3 S.F.T.S., South Cerney
The Recommendation states: 'On the night of 5th March, 1941, at Bibury, a Cadet flying solo in Oxford P.1832 damaged his undercarriage on a wall when attempting to land. He carried on for another circuit and had commenced to glide in when the aircraft went out of control from a height of 200 feet. The aircraft was considerably damaged and the port engine immediately burst into flames, on impact with the ground.
Flight Lieut. Edwards, who was acting as Relief Officer i/c Night Flying, immediately proceeded to the scene of the accident. On his arrival the port wing was well alight, the oil tank having burst, and both auxiliary and main petrol tanks, which were full, were exposed to the flames. The port side of the fuselage was also burning strongly. The impact had broken off the port airscrew blades, but the engine was still running at full throttle, and the draught created by the airscrew stubs was fanning the flames and spreading the fire rapidly.
Flight Lieut. Edwards, without hesitation, entered the aircraft and endeavoured to extricate the pilot. The pilot, who was in a stunned condition, so far from assisting Flight Lieut. Edwards, struggled violently and refused to leave the controls, and it was not until the arrival of Squadron Leader Lunn that it was possible to force the pilot out of the aircraft. During the time this was taking place the flames were increasing in violence and at any moment the petrol tanks might have exploded.
I consider that Flight Lieut. Edwards displayed outstanding courage and coolness in rescuing the pilot under conditions of extreme danger to himself.'
Covering Remarks of Air Officer Commanding (Air Vice-Marshal K.R. Park): 'For his outstanding courage and gallantry in assisting the rescuing of a Pilot from a burning aircraft, this Officer is strongly recommended for the award of the George Medal'
Squadron Leader Henry Grahame 'Nick' Edwards, D.F.C., served during the Second War as a Pilot with 604 (Night Fighter) Squadron (Beaufighters), Middle Wallop, during 1941; posted to 89 Squadron (Beaufighters), Abou Sueir, Egypt, early the following year; he recorded his first success on the evening of the 30.5.1942, when he damaged a Ju 88 over Alexandria; on the 22nd June he led 'C' Flight to Malta on detachment, 'these aircraft were equipped with AI Mk IV radar and would operate in conjunction with the GCI station at St. Paul's Bay. The 'C' Flight detachment comprised:
Flt. H.G. Edwards and Sgt. J.R. Phillipson
Flg. Off. R.C. Fumerton and Sgt. L.P.S. Bing
Flg. Off. M.C. Shipard and Sgt. D.A. Oxby
Plt. Off. N.E. Reeves and Sgt. A.A. O'Leary
The two spare crews were Flg. Off. H.E. Mitchell and Sgt. J.G. Trebell and Plt. Off. J. Mck. Ross and Sgt. R.E. Thompson. 'Moose' Fumerton (a Canadian) already had four victories to his credit and Merv Shipard (an Australian) had one, while his radar operator, Sgt. Doug Oxby, was destined to become the RAF's top-scoring operator (See Spink Medal Auction 19th July 2012, Lot 5) (Malta: The Spitfire Year 1942, C. Shores and B. Cull refers)
Having been on the island for less than 24 hours the night fighters were immediately thrown into the action - this proved to be the start of a prolific two weeks for Edwards and Phillipson, 23/24.6.1942, 'just before midnight Flt. Lt. Edwards and Sgt. Phillipson in X7748 intercepted one of the 20 bombers plotted approaching the Island from the north. They claimed a Ju 88 probably shot down over the sea and were granted a 'confirmed' victory when news of a German aircraft down in the sea reached AHQ. Undoubtedly this was M7+BK of Kgr 806, in which Uffz. Herbert Wolenski and his crew were lost during this unit's attack on Luqa' (Ibid); the pair bagged another victory, 29/30.6.1942, 'Between 2245 and 2330, eight raiders were plotted around the coast, while three Beaufighters were up looking for custom. Sgt. Phillipson soon picked up a contact on his radar screen and led his pilot, Flt. Edwards, onto Fw. Winfried Pohler's KuFlGr 606 Ju 88 (7T+AL), which was shot down into the sea' (Ibid); Edwards and his radar operator accounted for another two enemy aircraft in one action, 3/47.1942, 'there had been an action over the Island when Flt. Lt. Edwards, on patrol in Beaufighter X7748/C, intercepted two flare dropping Ju 88s in quick succession at 0030. He shot down Lt. Oscar Kasimir's M7+GK of Kgr 806, which crashed in flames near Qawra Tower, St. Paul's Bay. He then chased the second, which he reported dived into the sea whilst attempting to avoid his attacks; this was undoubtedly 3Z+BM of 4/KG 77 flown by Uffz. Luitpold Martin, which also failed to return' (Ibid); on the 17th August Edwards was supposed to be released due to tour expiration - however, his replacement as commanding officer of 'C' Flight was taken ill on arrival; two days later, 'during the night Flt. Lt. Edwards took Air Vice-Marshal Park up in one of 89 Squadron's Beaufighters to observe the accuracy of the Island's searchlights. Around this time, Sqn. Ldr. Evans was released from hospital and took over command of the detachment from Edwards' (Ibid); Edwards remained with the detachment as second in command; on the 26/27.8.1942 Edwards was successful with a different crew member, 'with trade slackening off over Malta, permission had now been given for 89 Squadron to add a night intruder capacity once more, and to operate over Sicilian airfields and seaplane bases and against shipping. Hence, two Beaufighters were stripped of all special equipment, and at 2035 Flt. Lt. Edwards took off in X7695 with Plt. Off. Ross acting as his observer, on the first such mission. Edwards later reported:
'I patrolled off Marsala from 2200 to 2225, watching a flare path on the water. At 2225 an aircraft took off and climbed in a left hand turn. It had a quick-flashing white light on top. I closed in behind it and with full flap managed to stay there. From very close range I gave it two short bursts. Bits came off the wings, tail and hull. It stalled to the right and crashed just south of Marsala in a blaze which lit up the whole town.'
They claimed their victim as a Do 18 seaplane but it may possibly have been an Italian craft. Following the attack, Edwards went in low and strafed a motor vessel seen in Marsala harbour.' (Ibid)
On the 1st September Edwards managed to write off one of the new Mark VII AI equipped Beaufighters; however, he was back in action five days later for an attack on the 'Lambado Convoy' heading for Benghazi; the Axis convoy was escorted by 11 destroyers, and was too good a target to ignore, therefore a special operation was organised in which 13 torpedo armed Beauforts set off to attack the Italian convoy with a close escort and diversionary force of a dozen Beaufighters from 227 Squadron; to provide long-range fighter escort, 89 Squadron's four intruder Beaufighters were also pressed into service as top cover for the whole formation; the convoy had the additional protection of 6 Ju 88s, a flying boat and a number of fighters; Edwards reported engaging a Macchi:
As we turned towards the convoy, I saw three single-engined fighters approaching head on, slightly to port. I turned towards them and climbed. I attacked the nearest fighter, firing one long burst from quarter to beam. I saw bursts on the enemy fighter before I passed over the top of it. My last view of the fighter was with its wing vertical, turning away.' (Ibid)
Edwards returned to the main squadron based at Abu Sueir, towards the end of the year; based in Egypt Edwards went on to claim two further victories, a Ju 88, 21/22.12.1942 and another Ju 88 over Tripoli, 21/22.2.1943; promoted Squadron Leader and posted to the newly formed 108 Squadron (Beaufighters), March 1943; the squadron also absorbed 89 Squadron's detachment at Malta, and this led to a return to the Island for Edwards; he commanded the squadron's detachment and flying from Malta it was tasked with night convoy patrols and offensive patrols north of Tunisia; the command was short lived as Squadron Leader Edwards died in a crash, 6.5.1943, he is buried in the Malta (Capuccini) Naval Cemetery.
21
A Scarce '1940' D.F.C. Group of Four to Wellington and Stirling Pilot, Squadron Leader J.M. Griffith-Jones, Royal Air Force, Who Despite Suffering Disfigurement in a Horrific Crash-Landing, 4.4.1940, Went On to Fly At Least 28 Operational Sorties, Including the First of the War On Berlin. He Was Killed in Action On a Raid Over Brest Harbour, 3.3.1941
a) Distinguished Flying Cross, G.VI.R., reverse officially dated '1940' and additionally engraved in sans-serif capitals 'S/L. J.M. Griffith-Jones 149 Sqdn.', in Royal Mint case of issue
b) 1939-1945 Star
c) Air Crew Europe Star
d) War Medal, generally nearly extremely fine, with the following related items:
- Boxing Prize Shield, white metal and wood, engraved, 'Officers R.A.F. United Hospitals 1937. P.O. J.M. Griffith-Jones'
- R.A.F. Pilot's Flying Log Book (2.2.1937-3.3.1941), stamped 'Central Depository, June 1946, Royal Air Force - Death Presumed'
- Letter from recipient to his mother whilst in hospital recuperating from his crash, dated 14.4.1940
- Letter to recipient's father from his C.O., dated 16.12.1941
- Typescript radio talk given by recipient for BBC use called A Night Raid Over London, with covering letter from the BBC to the recipient's father, dated 28.4.1942
- R.A.F. Annual Confidential Report (Officers), with covering letter to recipient, dated 27.6.1939
- Photographic image of drawing used in London Illustrated News of recipient's aircraft from a raid on Berlin
- Newspaper cutting from the Sunday Graphic, dated 19.1.1941, where recipient's photograph is used to portray a 'Typical tough young R.A.F. fighter pilot'
- Several photographs and newspaper cuttings relating to various stages of his career (lot) £2,400-2,800
Footnote: D.F.C. London Gazette 24.12.1940 Squadron Leader John Martin Griffith-Jones (37734), 149 Sqn, R.A.F.
The Recommendation states: 'Squadron Leader Griffith-Jones has taken part in 25 operational flights as captain of an aircraft. On two occasions only, when he got badly iced, has he brought his bombs back. If he has been unable to find his primary target he has invariably located his secondary or some other important target to attack. He has at all times displayed the utmost courage, coolness and determination, well up to the best traditions of the Royal Air Force.
On the 4th of April, 1940, he was involved in an aeroplane crash in which he was very badly injured and which was quite sufficient to unnerve the strongest of men. On his recovery, he rejoined the Squadron, took over the captaincy of the aircraft and carried on as if nothing had ever happened. He is an officer of exceptional determination who has consistently carried through all his missions with the utmost courage and has that unflurried temperament so desirable in a bomber pilot. He has been a great source of inspiration to his Squadron.'
Squadron Leader John Martin Griffith-Jones, D.F.C., born Oorgaum, India, 1914; educated at the Imperial Service College Windsor; joined the Royal Air Force, 1937, and was posted as Flying Officer to 214 Squadron (Harrows), Scampton; moved with the squadron to Feltwell and Methwold; converted to Wellingtons with the squadron, and moved to Stradishall, Suffolk, February 1940; at the beginning of April he was posted to 149 Squadron (Wellingtons), Mildenhall, Suffolk; on the 4th April he crashed, 'he had engine failure coming in to land at night and crashed badly; he had a miraculous escape, being thrown through the windscreen, and as far as I can remember there was only one other survivor the rest of the crew being killed when the aircraft went up in flames. This accident shook him up a lot both physically and mentally and he was considerably disfigured, but within a few months [two months to the day] he had fully recovered and was back in the squadron earning his decoration and filling the middle page of the Illustrated London News' (Letter to recipient's father from C/O after his death included in the lot refers); Griffith-Jones naturally played down the severity of his accident to his mother at the time, 'You may have heard from some unreliable source or other that I had a slight accident the other day. Well in case you did - there is nothing to worry about as I only received a slight dose of concussion and a cut over the eye. If you hear the story from someone else it will probably be a decapitated head and both arms amputated!! However I have had a good rest here and hope to get out in a day or two'; having recuperated at the R.A.F. Hospital at Littleport, Cambridgeshire he returned to flying with the squadron on the 5th June; he flew in at least 26 operational sorties with the squadron, including: Hamburg; Bremen (2); Koln; Baden Baden; Hamm (2); 19.7.1940, 'Aircraft Works at Wezendorf (S. of Hamburg) Bombed 7,000ft. Light & Heavy Flak Encountered. Our Aircraft Attacked By Me. 110 40 Miles East of Lowestoft. Enemy Aircraft Damaged - Believed Destroyed' (Log Book refers); Lunenburg Aircraft Factory; Gotha Aircraft Factory; 1.8.1940, Kamen Oil Plant- Griffith-Jones' BBC typescript offers further insight:
'Our objective on this particular night was a synthetic oil plant in the Eastern Ruhr area. When we were briefed for the show, we were told that this was a very important target and that every effort was to be made to locate and attack it. It wasn't too easy a target to find, as a matter of fact... the land-marks which we were given for this were a wood and an autobahn. We were attacking independently and set off from the base at roughly two minute intervals. Some of the other fellows were on different targets. Four of us in the squadron bombed the oil plant all within a period of 35 to 40 minutes and we estimate that the numerous direct hits which we scored and the fires and explosions which broke out must have pretty well wrecked the greater part of the place.
The first aircraft to attack bombed about 20 minutes after midnight. The second attacked round about quarter to one. We came third a few minutes later and the fourth aircraft followed us immediately. My navigator did a splendid job of work. We were absolutely dead right when we crossed the Dutch coast going out and we went absolutely straight into the target area...
Going out there was a lot of searchlight activity and there was a great deal of heavy A.A. fire as well as all the light stuff... Having arrived in the area, we were groping, as it were, for the actual target for some time. We knew we were near it all right but our instructions are very definite on this point- that we must identify the target without doubt before bombing. So we dropped parachute flares, but without success. Then, about a minute or two later, while we were still searching, one of the other fellows from the squadron let off his flares about half a mile away on our port side. This other bomber was then about 2,000 feet above us. His flares went off below us lighting up a wide area. They enabled my navigator first of all to spot the wood... and this led us on to the actual target. We now began our attack then, suddenly, the bomb aimer reported "Another stick just burst across the target, Sir"... Our first aircraft had attacked from north to south and started fires also, but apparently they had burnt out or had been got under control by the time the second bomber and ourselves had arrived.
When we saw our aircraft attacking we turned away instead of continuing our run up. Our idea was to lay our bombs across the target at a different angle from theirs so as to plaster it more thoroughly. They had bombed from north to south so we cruised for a few minutes and then made our second run up... We attacked from east to west and our bombs burst across the target almost at right angles to the others. Something new seemed to be catching alight almost every second. We had a Frenchman with us as a member of the crew and he became quite enthusiastic about it. I don't speak French myself but, as far as I could make out he kept saying "il est illumine - il est illumine!"... By now we had been in the area a good twenty five minutes. All this time we were under fire... Some of the shells came pretty close. One or two of them, as a matter of fact, burst alongside the rear turret. We had a goodish way to come back home so we thought we wouldn't play around any more.'
Griffith-Jones carried on with further operations to Collida Aircraft Factory; Hanover; Berlin (4), including 25.8.1940 the first raid on the German capital of the Second World War, '5 Containers Incendiaries. Dropped Over Siemens Works. Very Heavy A/A Encountered Over Berlin & Hanover. Holed In Port Nacelle Tank' (Log Book refers), and 23.9.1940 which was the raid over Berlin that inspired the drawing of his Wellington in the London Illustrated News; Boulogne; Calais; and 20.10.1940, 'Operations Tirpitz At Wilhelmshaven, 8000ft'; posted for conversion to Stirlings with 7 Squadron (the first Squadron in Bomber Command to have four-engine bombers), Oakington, 7.11.1940; having been appointed a Flight Commander and flown a sortie to Rotterdam he carried out what was to be his final sortie, 3.3.1941, for an attack on shipping in Brest Harbour; taking off from Oakington at 18.43, 'he failed to return, with the crew which I had given him in our previous squadron. We haven't the slightest idea what happened to him; the aeroplane was a perfectly good one and I had actually flown his aeroplane on the night before on the same target. On the night that he was lost we sat up until we knew he had no more petrol and the next day we searched for him in the sea... Actions speak louder than words and the fact that I twice secured G-J's posting to my command is the highest tribute I could pay to him. I don't know when you saw him last, but he had become incredibly tough and after his crash disfigured him he looked very fierce indeed. He was a great loss to me both professionally and personally as he was a friend of mine and my wife's.' (Letter to recipient's father from his C/O included in lot refers)
Squadron Leader Griffith-Jones and his crew of seven were originally listed as 'Missing' later confirmed 'Killed in Action', and are all commemorated on the Runnymede Memorial. Their aircraft was the first of the new four-engined types to be lost on an operational sortie.
For other medals to the Griffith-Jones family see Lots 79 and 80.
22
The Important Second War 'L' Detachment 1942 'Bouerat Raid' D.C.M. Group of Eight to Regimental Sergeant Major, Later Major, C.G.G. 'Pat' Riley, Special Air Service, Late Coldstream Guards. One of the Founding Members of 'L' Detachment, Having Joined as One of Jock Lewis' "Tobruk Four", with Bob Lilley, Jim Almonds and Jim Blakeney. He Was a Renowned Pugilist and was Probably the Only Person to Have Ever Bested Both Paddy Mayne and Reg Seekings in a Fight
a) Distinguished Conduct Medal, G.VI.R. (2656281 A/W.O. Cl. II C.G.G. Riley. C. Gds.)
b) General Service 1918-62, G.VI.R., two clasps, Palestine, Malaya (2656281 Gdsmn. C.G. Riley. C. Gds.)
c) 1939-1945 Star
d) Africa Star, with 8th Army Bar
e) Italy Star
f) France and Germany Star
g) Defence and War Medals, light contact marks throughout, generally very fine, with the following related items and documents:
- Boxing Prize Medal, reverse engraved '1934 2nd Bn. Coldm. Gds. V Gds. Depot. Runner Up Gdsn. Riley. C. 2nd C.G.'
- Malayan Regiment Cap, with Cap Badge
- Commission appointing C.G.G. Riley as Second Lieutenant, Queen's Royal Regiment, dated 30.7.1943
- Commission appointing C.G.G. Riley as Lieutenant, Gloucestershire Regiment, dated 23.5.1947
- Military Identity Card, complete with photograph; British Army Identity Card, complete with photograph; Attestation Papers, dated 4.1.1934 and Cadet Record Sheet, dated 12.4.1943
- Regular Army Certificate of Service; Two Army Certificates of Education
- Isle of Ely Constabulary Warrant Card, dated 1.1.1938; Isle of Ely Constabulary Leaving Certificate, dated 7.1.1947
- Two Letters to recipient from David Stirling, dated 7.3.1982 and 23.7.1982; letter to recipient from Johnny Cooper, as Chief Superintendent of the Royal Oman Police Force; letter to recipient from General Sir Robert Ford, Colonel Commandant of the S.A.S., dated 25.1.1983 and a letter from Michael Heseltine, M.P. on Ministry of Defence paper, dated 18.11.1983 - A number of newspaper cuttings, invitations and photographs from varying stages of the recipient's career
- Copy of parts of a proposed film script for "These Men Are Dangerous", a film to be based on the formation of the S.A.S., with typed comments on the script from recipient for David Stirling's attention, dated 27.7.1981
- Three CD Recordings of interviews carried out with Riley in later life
- Obituary from The Independent, dated 31.3.1999; Order of Service from recipient's funeral, when The Address was given by Viscount Slim (lot) £50,000-60,000
Footnote: D.C.M. London Gazette 26.11.1942 2656281 Sgt (A/CSM) Charles George Gibson Riley, "L" Detachment, Special Air Service (Coldstream Guards)
The Recommendation (originally for a Military Cross) states: 'North Africa: This N.C.O. led a party on the first Bouerat raid Feb [sic] 1942. The party placed demolition charges on many heavy enemy transport vehicles and on various dumps. By skilled and daring leadership he succeeded in bluffing the enemy sentries. Thereby he avoided giving any alarm which would have interfered with the work of other parties operating in the same area. He has shown the greatest gallantry and the highest qualities of leadership in other raids at Slonta and Nofilia in March and April 1942.'
Major Charles George Gibson 'Pat' Riley, D.C.M. (1915-1999), born Redgranite, Wisconsin, U.S.A.; moved to Haltwhistle, Cumbria, aged 7; he attended the local school until the age of 14, when he started work at a granite quarry alongside his father and his grandfather; joined Coldstream Guards, 15.1.1934; served with the Guards in Palestine, October-December 1936; transferred Army Reserve, December 1937; joined the Wisbech Division of the Isle of Ely Constabulary, and served as a Policeman until mobilized for service with the Coldstream Guards, September 1939; prior to the war, and indeed the formation of the SAS, Riley met Reg Seekings in the ring, 'In a letter received by his wife on Saturday morning, R.S.M. Riley states that about a year ago he met another local lad, in the desert, Sgt. R. Seekings, who in pre-war days fought "Pat" at the Women's Institute Hall, Alexandra Road, Wisbech, on two occasions, when "Pat" won on points. Although they were not in the same regiment when they first met, Seekings was transferred to Riley's Regiment and he also won the D.C.M., about the same time as "Pat"' (Newspaper cutting included in lot refers); having been mobilized Riley volunteered for service with 2 Troop 8 Guards Commando as part of Layforce; Riley's troop was commanded by Jock Lewis, and was operating in the Western Desert in 1941, when they 'launched a surprise raid in the Fig Tree sector, part of the defence of Tobruk. Getting under the wire they caused considerable casualties.' (Obituary refers); during this action Lewis developed and instigated new behind the lines tactics of using a four-man operating team - his team of Pat Riley, Jim Almonds, Jim Blakeney and Bob Lilley were to become known as the "Tobruk Four"; this system was later adopted by David Stirling with the formation of the SAS; with the disbandment of Layforce Riley was to be returned to the 2nd Battalion Coldstream Guards; Stirling invited Jock Lewis together with the 'Tobruk Four', into 'L' Detachment on the basis of their reputation describing them as 'pure gold dust'; Riley arrived at the 'L' Detachment camp at Kabrit in the Canal Zone in September 1941; here he settled in to the rigorous training regime implemented by Stirling; the latter included parachute training, which due to a lack of available equipment, meant that 'the unit would have to make do with lorries moving at 30mph. Backward rolls from trucks at this speed was a true test of determination. But they proved costly. Scarcely a man survived the ordeal without a fracture of some kind' (The Phantom Major, V. Cowles refers); Riley took part in the first raid carried out by the unit in November 1941; the attack was supposed to be on the five advanced airfields in the Gazala-Timini area; despite appalling weather conditions it was decided to carry out the attack ultimately leading to a disastrous result - of the 55 men and 7 officers who took part in the parachute drop for the raid, only 18 men and 4 officers survived death or captivity; 'L' Detachment recovered with successful raids including on Sirte and Tamit, before embarking on the Bouerat Raid in January 1942.
Bouerat Raid
Due to a successful offensive move by Auchinleck, the Axis forces had been driven out of Libya and the capture of Benghazi was imminent. With this in mind Stirling concluded that the enemy supply ships would be re-routed to Bouerat. The latter would then become an important harbour for fuel tankers to supply Rommel's advanced forces. Stirling proposed to Auchinleck that 'L' Detachment should enter Bouerat and blow up whatever ships they found, also taking the opportunity to destroy petrol dumps and tankers. Permission was granted and the raid was to be carried out on the 22nd/23rd, with the RAF scheduled to bomb Bouerat the following night.
On the 17th January Riley set off with Stirling from Jalo as part of the raiding party. They were conveyed by the Long Range Desert Group, and accompanied by two members of the Special Boat Section who were equipped with a canoe and the necessary explosives and limpets to blow up enemy shipping. Bouerat 'was only sixty miles west of Sirte and thirty miles from Tamit, so for most of the journey the SAS men were travelling over the same terrain that they had crossed twice the previous month. They had to keep fairly south to avoid detection by the enemy, and for the first four days saw no sign of life at all. The going varied; sometimes they were able to travel at thirty miles an hour, but the inevitable punctures and repairs slowed down their average to around a hundred miles in a long day's drive.... On the evening of the 22nd the convoy reached the edge of the Wadi Tamit as the light was fading. Because of the growing darkness Captain Hunter (LRDG) decided that it would be better to leave the descent until morning. The men pitched camp where they were.... The next morning, at first light, Hunter decided the party must take cover in the Wadi as rapidly as possible...They descended at a precarious point. The trucks were lined up with their bonnets pointing down the Wadi. "We then put tow ropes on the back," wrote Seekings, "so that every man except the driver and the two chaps checking the front wheels could hang on for dear life."
"We had not gone very far when the tail of our vehicle started to swing around and we could not hold it. The driver, instead of baling out, put his foot down hard. It straightened the truck and down he went at a terrifying speed. What nerves he must have had as he kept control and reached the bottom safely."
The descent was made none too soon. "An Italian recce plane came skimming over the edge of the Wadi," continued Seekings. "We sat and prayed it had not seen us but no such luck. It banked steeply and came straight for us. The rocks which I was sitting by suddenly became as small as peas." (The Phantom Major, V. Cowles refers)
The recce plane banked for home, with Riley and the others scrambling for what cover they could find knowing full well that enemy bombers or fighters would soon be in attendance. The 'trucks scattered wide, some of them driving four or five miles down the Wadi, until they came to suitable overhangs.... There were six bombers and they flew up and down the Wadi bombing and strafing for over an hour. Then there was an hour's relief, three more bombers appeared, and it began all over again. This went on until the middle of the afternoon. At six o'clock Hunter gave the signal to reassemble. The men came out of their hiding-places in twos and threes, each little group looking surprised that the others had survived.' (ibid)
Miraculously only one truck and three men were missing. The bad news, however, was that the truck was the wireless truck and the men were its three operators. As a consequence of this no further intelligence as to the placement of petrol dumps could be received and the raiding party would have to search for them literally in the dark. Undeterred the group pressed on, and three hours later they reached what was to be their main rendezvous area - a point 65 miles from Bouerat. Weapons were checked, the canoe was constructed and at 8.45pm twenty men proceeded in one vehicle.
Hunter planned to drive the raiding party of 16 men to within one mile of the port. They had 25 miles of rough desert to cross before reaching the surfaced road that led to Bouerat. They then had a further 50 miles on the better road. At 10.15pm the truck was within 5 miles of the road when two wheels struck a cavity, causing men and boat to crash against the side of the vehicle. The canoe split in two. The latter had been of vital importance for getting to the big tankers believed to be in the harbour. Despite this disastrous turn of events, and in the face of weeks of work going down the drain Sterling decided to press on, "We will have to reorganise a little," he said. "There are plenty of targets waiting for us at Bouerat. If we can't get the ships we'll get the harbour installations instead... If the enemy can't unload his supplies they'll be as useless to him as though we'd sunk them. As for you, Duncan [S.B.S.], I think you ought to take a couple of men and go for the wireless station two miles to the other side of town. It's a splendid target. The idea of passing it up was worrying me, but we didn't have time for both jobs." (ibid)
Having got on to the road the raiding party made good time, passing what appeared to be an abandoned fortress en-route. They arrived just outside of Bouerat shortly after midnight. They had just under two hours to carry out the raid and make it back to the rendezvous. Captain Duncan 'and Corporal Barr [S.B.S.], accompanied by Corporal Rose of the S.A.S., started off first. Since the time was so short and they had a three mile walk it was unlikely that they would get back to the rendezvous by two. David [Sterling] arranged to return the next night and pick them up on the track. They arranged to leave stones and twigs at a point eight miles from Bouerat.
David divided the remaining men into two groups of six and seven each. One lot would come with him; the other would go with Sergeant-Major Riley. They would start off within five minutes of each other and approach the harbour from opposite sides. When they had finished their work they would return to the rendezvous. David emphasised the fact that stealth was essential. No one was to use a gun unless absolutely necessary. They were to set all their explosions for 2.30am, which would give them plenty of time to get away. This meant starting with two-hour fuses and shortening them as the minutes passed.' (ibid)
Stirling's group set off first. Advancing in single file they found themselves at the warehouses on the quay. Unchallenged they marked their targets. Stirling divided his men, placing lookouts whilst the others proceeded to start placing their bombs. Moving from building to building they set up their bombs on pumping machinery and vast stores of army food rations, 'in the last building David discovered a side door and decided to see where it led. It was bolted and he pushed it open. He found himself in a small alleyway running between two buildings. He turned left and headed back to the pier. Another alley ran at right angles and he slipped along it to see if anything lay at the end. He walked stealthily and as he neared the corner he heard a faint rustle. Someone was approaching.
He pulled himself close to the wall and stood perfectly still. A moment later a figure turned the corner and a body pushed against him.
"What the hell..." said a startled voice. It took a few shocked seconds to realise it was none other than Sergeant Riley. "What the blazes are you doing here? You're supposed to be on the other side of the wharf," swore David. Six more men came out of the shadows - the rest of Riley's party.
Riley whispered that they'd finished their work - another food dump, more machinery and a workshop - but that they had suddenly come up against a wire and could not find their way out. They were afraid of bumping into a guard post so they had decided to try this side of the harbour.
David told them to wait until his own group got moving. They would make their way back to the rendezvous independently. He went back to the quay, signalled his men and started off. He instructed everyone to keep his eyes strained for anything that looked like a petrol depot, although he felt the chances of discovering an underground dump in the dark were fairly slim... When they were less than a quarter of a mile from the rendezvous Corporal Seekings touched his arm and whispered, "Look over there, sir."
At first David thought he must have spotted a dump, but it turned out to be something else. Close to the road, about fifty yards away, were a dozen of more hulking shapes... The men moved forward to explore, and a minute later found themselves in the middle of an enormous car park. On it were three or four rows of giant petrol carriers. Each had a haulage capacity of twenty tons which meant it would carry four thousand gallons of fuel. And judging from the smell, they were not empty. No doubt they had been filled that very afternoon and were waiting for delivery instructions.
It was too good to be true... Quickly they went to work. The carriers were parked in six rows of three each. They deposited nine bombs in five minutes. They used one-hour fuses as it was nearly half-past one. David adjusted the tenth bomb. His men were behind him and he moved noiselessly across the back of one of the carriers and around it. He heard a step and before he had time to draw back felt the impact of a shoulder against him.
For the second time there was a deadly moment of stunned surprise. And for the second time it was Sergeant-Major Riley. The situation was so comical David did his best not to laugh out loud. Riley had come along on the opposite side of the road, spotted the car park and crossed over. He had been working one end while David's group had been concentrating on the other... There was one last bomb to attach before the men returned to the track. It was 1.45am when they reached it [the rendezvous]. Hunter reported absolute quiet; he had seen no movement of any kind. Riley on the other hand, had discovered an anti-aircraft gun emplacement. He had managed to shove a bomb up the breech although the crew was sleeping in a tent only a few yards away.' (ibid)
There was time to set further bombs on some supply trucks before hot-footing back to the rendezvous point. Hunter picked them up and they drove off into the dark, 'they reached the cross-roads, and drove past the fort, which was as dark and silent as ever, at exactly 2.35am. A few minutes later they heard an explosion, then another and another; by the time they turned off on to the desert the sky was turning a pale-grey pink... The operation which at one moment had seemed doomed to failure had turned into a triumph. Rommel was desperately short of petrol carriers, and they were not easy things to replace. The amount of shipping required to transport them across the sea would add considerably to the Axis burden. David felt that he had struck a real blow. The harbour would be unusable for many weeks, and if Duncan succeeded in his task, Bouerat would cease to be one of the chief transmitting centres on the coast for some time to come.' (ibid)
A Lucky Escape
As dawn broke everyone took cover, and the LRDG draped their trucks with nets and camouflage. From first light until noon the air was full of recce planes scouring the desert looking for the raiders. Fortunately a sandstorm blew up forcing the aircraft to give up the search. At 7pm 'the storm began to die down. David waited until nine o'clock, when it was not much more than a strong, dust-choked wind, before leaving with Hunter to pick up Duncan and his two colleagues, Barr and Rose. He took a handful of men - Riley, Seekings, Cooper and a few others to deal with any opposition that might arise... Once again the truck passed the silent fort, turned abruptly to the right and travelled along the Bouerat track... After two miles it came to a halt. A few hundred yards ahead lay a little pile of sticks; the sign that Duncan was in the vicinity. David jumped off the truck and called to him. Twenty yards away three shapes emerged came running towards them.' (ibid)
The wireless station had been successfully destroyed, and true to their word the R.A.F. had carried out their bombing raid on the harbour. Having clambered aboard the truck 'David told the men that he thought it would be a shame to move out of the area without leaving a bomb anywhere; so he suggest they... drive along it until they reached the right-angle road that led past the fort and the desert. It was not out of their way and they might find a worthwhile target.'
They drove for about 25 miles without seeing a single enemy vehicle. Just as they were about to give up they saw another giant petrol carrier parked up by the side of the ride. Accounting for the truck with two bombs they moved on, 'probably fifteen minutes had elapsed between the explosion and the moment they approached the fort, which was eight miles away. They saw the dark, silent stronghold, silhouetted against the sky, ahead of them. Suddenly they heard a click and saw a piece of metal spinning in the air. It was a telemine that did not explode. Almost at the same moment shadows loomed up ahead on both sides of the road. They were heading straight into an ambush. David shouted at Gibson, the driver, to swerve off the track, but instead he put his foot on the accelerator. Both Cooper and Seekings were standing in the back of their truck with their tommy-guns poised. They fired point-blank into the enemy. The truck roared through a curtain of machine-gun bullets, running down three or four screaming Italians. Several grenades exploded in mid-air. "As an ambush it should have been a dead-cert, but no one on our side got a scratch," wrote Bennett laconically.
The raiding party continued to career down the road at top speed. When the men had time to collect their thoughts they realised that the fort had never been the deserted bastion they had supposed... The enemy had probably heard the LRDG truck pass an hour previously... When the petrol carrier went up on the coast road, eight miles away, the garrison could not have failed to see the fire. This had given it time to establish an ambush. Even now David's party could scarcely believe its incredible luck in getting away safely. "Not even a ruddy tyre punctured," crowed Seekings in delight.' (ibid)
Kabrit - A New Role
After the success of the Bouerat raid Sterling returned to Kabrit. He had left the training of the new recruits in the hands of Paddy Mayne. It was clear that this suited neither officer's purpose and with the S.A.S. rapidly expanding an old head was required. As a consequence 'David appointed Sergeant-Major Riley to supervise training.' (ibid)
Despite this new role Riley still took part in the next planned series of raids that were to take place in March 1942. These were to be a string of airfields in the Benghazi area. Bill Fraser was to take a patrol to Barce, Lieutenant Dodds (a new officer) was to be accompanied by Riley to Slonta, and Paddy Mayne and David Sterling were to tackle Berka satellite and Benina respectively. All, apart from Mayne's raid, were relatively unsuccessful with Dodds and Riley being unable to get onto Slonta because of the heavy defences.
More and more recruits were piling into Kabrit, and 'Pat Riley, an astute reader of officers and men, was the perfect man in adversity, fathering and giving confidence to his young soldiers. He was a steady influence throughout the campaign and often the mediator between its diverse characters.' (Obituary refers)
As the Detachment's senior non-com Riley was well respected by the men and officers alike. This was clearly illustrated when, 'Big Pat Riley, the Wisconsin-born ex-Coldstreamer, was perhaps the only SAS man who ever knocked Mayne down. He once found him drunk, beating someone so savagely it looked as if he might do him real harm. Without even thinking about it, Riley - who had been a champion boxer in the Guards... walloped Mayne with a massive fist and flattened him, 'I thought I was in for a rough time,' Riley said, 'but not a bit of it. He stood up, looked at me for a while and then quietly went off.' (The Regiment, The Real Story of the SAS, M. Asher refers).
Riley 'was much involved in the large-scale raid on Benghazi Harbour in September 1942. Unfortunately the enemy had been alerted and it proved almost impossible to penetrate the harbour. In the fierce fighting the S.A.S. lost 50 out of the 200 men involved.' (Obituary refers)
Having advanced to Regimental Sergeant Major, Riley was posted to Officer Cadet Training Unit, in March 1943. He was commissioned into the Queen's Regiment the following month before returning to the SAS. By the beginning of 1943, with Stirling now a POW and Jock Lewis dead, Paddy Mayne took command of the SAS. Riley who had returned from the O.C.T.U. at the end of April was 'appointed commander of C Section, No. 1 Troop... No.1 Troop, a repository of all the skills and experience the SAS had acquired since its inception, was regarded as the elite.' (The Regiment, The Real Story of the SAS, M. Asher refers)
A Quiet Game of Billiards with Paddy Mayne in Termoli The war in North Africa officially came to an end on the 12th May, and the Allies landed on Sicily a month later. Riley continued to serve with the regiment during the Italian Campaign. On the 10th July the SAS (now designated I Special Raiding Squadron (SAS) ) destroyed a coastal battery at Capo Murro de Porco on Sicily's eastern coast. The following day the squadron took part in the first opposed daylight landing of the war- on the beach of Augusta. On the 4th September they landed at Bagnara on the Italian mainland, taking the town and securing a bridgehead in preparation for the landing of the main Allied force a few days later.
After this string of successes the SRS took part in the Special Service Brigade raid on the coastal town of Termoli on the 3rd October. As part of a thousand strong Commando raiding party they carried the town, 'the cost of the day's fighting for the squadron had been one dead, three wounded, and twenty-three missing. The SRS had taken out twenty-three enemy killed, seventeen wounded, and thirty-nine captured.' (The Regiment, The Real Story of The SAS, M. Asher refers).
What had not been anticipated however was that the 16th Panzer Division were in the vicinity of Termoli. The Allied forces were temporarily without tank support and had to hold out against the overwhelming German firepower, 'when the 16th Panzer Division's counter attack on Termoli reached fever pitch, Paddy Mayne was shooting billiards in an abandoned palazzo with Bill Fraser, Pat Riley and Phil Gunn'. From first light, when half a dozen tanks had rumbled towards the Eighth Army's defensive ring north of the town, British units had been pulling back. 6th Royal West Kents and 5th Buffs had retreated in panic, and were digging in along the Termoli-Larino highway. 8th Argyll & Sutherland Highlanders had lost the church and factory that they had been ordered to hold at all costs. Men of 56th Recce Regiment had abandoned their brand new armoured cars and Bren-gun carriers. The infantry were so shell-shocked that the CO of I Special Service Brigade, John Durnford-Slater, had threatened to have officers and men stood against a wall and shot. One of the few units to hold its ground, 40 (Royal Marine) Commando, had been decimated by 88mm anti-tank shells. The olive grove they had occupied above the town was littered with their mangled dead.
In Termoli, Italian civilians, emboldened by the attack, started dropping grenades and taking pot-shots at British soldiers from their windows. Durnford-Slater called the entire male population together in the piazza and promised mass executions unless these irritations ceased. At 1330 hours, an 88mm round mashed Brigade HQ, killing a staff captain.
While panic reigned and shells were crumping into the streets outside the palazzo, Mayne chalked his cue with Francis Drake-like insouciance. 'He just carried on with the game,' Pat Riley recalled. 'I thought to myself, "Well, if you can do it, chum, I'll do it with you." And we did. We finished the game, and then went outside to get things sorted.
Mayne ordered every available man - including cooks, bottle-washers, clerks - up to the town cemetery where the eye of the assault was focussed. Five captured German trucks were lined up opposite the monastery garden to shift 'Paddy's Boys' to the front'. Bill Fraser, commanding No. 1 Troop, stopped to give instructions to one of his section commanders, Lt. Johnny Wiseman'. Wiseman's section-sergeant, Reg Seekings, got the men to their feet and ordered them to hop on to the first lorry. Sgt. Bill McNinch'. had volunteered to drive'. Wiseman jumped into the cab beside McNinch'. Pat Riley, now a Lieutenant, was hurrying back towards the palazzo with his batman, who had just told him that Mayne wanted a word. Suddenly, the whole street seemed to shudder, to come apart in rubble and smoke. 'The next thing I knew I was halfway down the street,' Riley recalled, 'lying on my back, laughing like hell. It must have been [the] shock'. (ibid)
Riley never heard the 105mm shell strike, but Reg Seekings did. '[There was] a God Almighty crash and explosion' and '[a shell] landed right, smack in the truck' it blew us to hell.' The first lorry disintegrated. Steel scraps, glass shards, molten rubber shot skywards: blood, flesh, minced body parts spattered walls. Seekings grovelled in the gutter, drenched in blood and bits of other people's warm flesh. He couldn't believe the packet of foot-long, two-pound-apiece No. 76 Hawkins grenades he was carrying hadn't exploded. His was the only pack that hadn't. Eighteen had been killed or mortally wounded - the most devastating single mortality the SAS had ever suffered. Mayne made no comment, but his eyes went deathly cold. He told Wiseman calmly to attach the survivors to his own HQ Troop and get up to the cemetery right away.' (ibid)
The action in the cemetery was fierce, with Riley's section operating an anti-tank gun against the advancing Panzers. The British troops held out and were eventually relieved by the Irish Brigade, 'the men had fought brilliantly... It was though, Mayne thought as he walked quietly back to his palazzo, the costliest action an SAS unit had ever fought. His squadron had taken more attrition than any other at Termoli, including the commandos. In three days I SRS had lost sixty-nine men, killed, wounded, and missing- exactly a third of the two hundred and seven who had come ashore. When racked up together with the previous three ops in Italy, the SRS was down about fifty per cent on its original strength.' (ibid)
Termoli was Riley's, and the SRS' last action in Italy. He went to Scotland with Johnny Cooper and Mike Sadler to 'set up a camp at Mauchline before moving to its permanent camp in Darvel. For the SAS had now swollen to the size of a brigade, with two British battalions, two Free French battalions and a Belgian squadron.
When the SAS moved south to their new HQ at Highland House in Chelmsford, Riley was in charge of recruiting and training before operations in France. After D-Day mobility was the key and Riley, still based at Chelmsford, ensured that all the new jeeps were properly equipped for action behind the enemy lines. The SAS, now 2,500 strong under Brigadier Roddie McLeod, were to form a number of bases from which to harry enemy communications, and work with the French resistance, blowing up roads and railway lines and reporting to the RAF suitable areas to bomb. It was very much as David Sterling had proposed in the early days: inflict damage, casualties and above all, confusion.
After the Armistice, two battalions of the SAS were airlifted to Norway where Riley, based at Bergen, was involved in the supervision and disarming of the occupying German forces.' (Obituary refers)
The SAS was disbanded in September 1945, and Riley was released to Army Reserve in November of the same year. He moved back to Cambridgeshire and rejoined the Police, serving as a P.C. in March and Wisbech. Post-war Fenland life, however, proved to be too sedate for his liking and he volunteered for service as a Captain with the Malayan Regiment, 'he worked closely with the newly formed Malayan Scouts in their actions against Communist insurgence. The Scouts had been formed from men of the 21 SAS, a Territorial Army unit raised in 1947 from the Artists Rifles and a Rhodesian squadron. In 1951 the Scouts became 22 SAS. Riley, who was based at Port Dixon and now a Major, liaised and worked with the SAS in the persecution of the terrorists. With over 100 terrorists killed or captured the SAS had proved their worth as an integral part of British counter-insurgency operations.' (ibid)
In 1955 Riley decided it was time to leave Malaya and he retired from the Army in July 1959. After military service he purchased the Dolphin Hotel (Public House) in Colchester, and ran this for a number of years before taking a managerial role with Securicor. He retired in 1980, and by this time was residing in Hastings, East Sussex. He continued to be a stalwart of organising regimental reunions up until his death.
23
The Immediate 1942 'St. Nazaire Raid' D.S.M. Group of Six to 'Oerlikon Gunner' Ordinary Seaman F.W.J. Woodward, Royal Navy, Who Served in M.L. 307 As Part of the Port Column for "The Greatest Raid of All"; M.L. 307 Was One of Just Three Motor Launches That Made it Home From the Raid; Assailed By Land, Sea and Air Woodward Managed to Shoot Down a Heinkel III, Before His Craft Limped Home to Falmouth
a) Distinguished Service Medal, G.VI.R. (JX.263654 F,W.J. Woodward, O. Smn.), minor edge bruise, in case of issue
b) 1939-1945 Star
c) Atlantic Star
d) France and Germany Star
e) Pacific Star, with Burma bar
f) War Medal, generally nearly extremely fine, with the following related contemporary items and documents: - Associated Miniature Awards; with medal riband bars, and Campaign Medal card box of issue addressed to 'Mr. F.W. Woodward, 2 Oxford Ave, West Southbourne, Bournemouth'
- Salva, silver plate, engraved 'Presented to Fred Woodward (Operational Gunnery Instructor, R.N.) By The Directors of Brights of Bournemouth, As A Token Of Esteem & To Commemorate The Award of D.S.M. And Investiture By H.M. The King, At Buckingham Palace, March 16th 1943. In Recognition Of Outstanding Gallantry And Devotion To Duty At St. Nazaire. March 1942'
- Certificate For Wounds and Hurts, dated 4.6.1944
- Pencil sketch of ML 307, on Government embossed paper, signed, glazed and framed
- Personal Letter to recipient from Vice Admiral Sir Arthur Lyster, K.C.B., C.V.O., C.B.E., D.S.O., dated 5.4.1949
- Letter from Don Croft, Crew Member of ML 307, dated 16.11.1998
- Photographs and paperwork relating to the St. Nazaire Commemoration Ceremony, including named Permit for embarkation in H.M.S. Sirius; Menu from the St. Nazaire Society Annual Re-union Dinner, dated 26.3.1949, with a quantity of St. Nazaire Society stationary
- National Identity Card; Civilian Driving Licence
- Numerous newspaper cuttings, both French and English; and a number of photographs of recipient in uniform (lot) £10,000-15,000
Footnote: D.S.M. London Gazette 21.5.1942 P/JX.263654 Ordinary Seaman Frederick William Joseph Woodward, R.N.
The Recommendation states: 'W. Woodward, Gunlayer on the after Oerlikon was responsible for some excellent shooting. He put out several searchlights and conserved his ammunition wherever possible. On the homeward journey he hit and brought down an enemy plane, Heinkel III, and throughout showed coolness and courage.'
Remarks of Intermediate Authority, Commander R.E.D. Ryder, R.N., 10th A/S Striking Force: 'I consider that M.L. 307 fought in a very determined manner and also that the Commanding Officer tends to understate the case of this rating, I therefore strongly support his recommendation.'
Leading Seaman Frederick William Joseph Woodward, D.S.M. (1910-1971) born Islington, London; was employed as a Departmental Store Manager prior to enlistment in the Royal Navy, July 1940; served in ML 307, October 1941 - August 1942.
St. Nazaire Raid
Frederick 'Woodward is a shy, retiring man. He doesn't like publicity and never mentions that on March 16, 1943 he went to Buckingham Palace to receive from King George VI the Distinguished Service Medal. But despite Fred's reticence, the whole story has come to light in a new book published this week called The Greatest Raid of All. The book tells of the raid on St. Nazaire, in which a small force in the face of fantastic odds attacked the heavily defended harbour. It succeeded in denying the great Normandy Dock to the German Navy in general and in particular to the battleship Tirpitz.
If Mr. Woodward were the talkative type he would tell how, on a small motor-launch, together with a few other such craft, they cruised into the harbour on that night in 1942. How despite the tremendous crossfire, their launch came alongside the quay with a party of demolition men and unable to find the landing stairs to the quay towering above them by 25 feet, they cruised around. How they shot a party of enemy soldiers who were trying to drop hand grenades into their craft. How eventually they pulled out and generally assisted by shooting at the searchlights, despite all hell being let loose at them. How their launch was one of the few that got back, but, in company with three others they had quite an eventful crossing. They shot down a Heinkel III and drove off a seaplane. How one in four of the entire force died and five V.C.s were awarded.
A spokesman of the company publishing the book said of Mr. Woodward, then a gunnery instructor:
"To stand at his gun in the murderous fire that was being thrown at him, with the petrol tanks right underneath him, must have taken some guts."
All these things Mr. Woodward could tell you- but like most brave men he prefers to let actions speak louder than words. All he will say is: "It's all over, lets forget it." (Article from the Bournemouth Times, included with the lot refers)
Port Column
Woodward was the gun layer in Motor Launch 307, the latter being commanded by Lieutenant N. Wallis, R.A.N.V.R (awarded the D.S.C. for the raid). M.L. 307 was one of 19 vessels that made up "Force Chariot" for the St. Nazaire Raid. As part of the Port Column she was tasked with delivering a Commando party under the command of Captain E.W. Bradley to the Old Mole. Wallis and his crew received a hot reception as part of this column, when they passed under the stern of H.M.S. Campbeltown after she had just rammed the dock gate 'the most important task of the Commando troops in the M.L.s of the port column' was to capture what I have referred to as the "Ile de St. Nazaire"; isolate it by demolishing the bridges and lock gates, and to hold the Old Mole so that it could be used as a comparatively secure place from which to re-embark all forces landed.
There were seven troop-carrying craft in this column, whose positions numbered from 9-15 [M.L. 307 was no. 12] with one spare M.L. astern in position 16. M.L. 447, in position 9, was leading the column and turned towards the Old Mole, but was hit by the flak and burst into flames before reaching it. M.L. 341, who had originally been stationed next in line, had developed engine trouble before entering the river, and acting according to previous instructions had transferred her troops to M.L. 446, who had come as a spare. Undaunted by the disaster to the leading craft, M.L. 457, now second in the column, led on into the strongly defended Old Mole and landed her troops. She circled round and returned to the Mole; here, however, she was heavily attacked, and while backing into mid-stream she was hit and burst into flames. M.L. 307, the third ship, passing the leader of her column in flames, proceeded close in to the Old Mole where she was attacked by flak and grenades. They killed at least four of the enemy on the jetty but suffered very heavily themselves. After grounding in the shallow water ahead of them, they withdrew and engaged the batteries and searchlights on the east bank.
The fourth ship of the column, M.L. 443, like several of the other craft, was blinded by the searchlights and overshot her mark. She returned to the Old Mole but was unable to get alongside owing to the heavy opposition. By the time M.L. 306, the fifth ship, arrived she found both sides of the Old Mole obstructed by burning M.L.s (No. 192 to the south and No. 447 to the north). She circled round twice, under heavy gunfire, in an attempt to get alongside, but was unable to do so and withdrew. M.L. 446 had embarked the troops from M.L. 341 at dusk and did not regain the force till they were entering the river. She also, at first, overshot the mark in the glare of the searchlights, but returned and attempted to get alongside the Old Mole. In approaching, however, the commanding officer found that most of the soldiers had been wounded, including both officers and the sergeant. After consulting them, he withdrew. It will be seen from this that only one craft landed her troops successfully at the Old Mole, that was M.L. 457.' (The Attack on St. Nazaire, Commander R.E.D. Ryder, V.C., R.N., refers)
The Withdrawal - Extraction From Hell
The Motor Launches has been devastated by the German defences. They had been met with unexpected levels of automatic machine-gun fire, which had swept across the small vessels decks causing untold damage. Many were in flames as they tried to extract themselves and turn for home. 169 men were killed whilst the vessels tried to leave the river, and out of 16 M.L.s used for the raid only 3 made it home. Assailed by land, sea and air M.L.s 160, 307 and 443 were the lucky ones. This small force 'under the command of Lieutenant T.D.L. Platt, R.N.R. [See Spink Medal Auction 21st July 2005, Lot 531], was however attacked several times by enemy bombers. First by a Heinkel III [see D.S.M. Recommendation above], which was hit by the concentrated fire of all these craft and crashed into the sea, and later by a large Blomm and Voss seaplane, which withdrew after being hit. It is to the credit of this small force that they completed their long passage and succeeded in reaching Falmouth without escort. They arrived there with scarcely a gallon of fuel to spare.' (ibid)
The commanding officer of M.L. 160 (Lieutenant T. Boyd, R.N.V.R.) adds, 'As the Heinkel came down to have a closer look everything opened up. The first rounds hit him in the glasshouse and he crashed at once. It was a fine sight to see the iron crosses smash into the sea and the plane break up. We all cheered and I gave the boys two rations of rum. The shooting of the other two boats was very, very good. We turned north at five in the evening and were attacked again at dusk by a seaplane which dropped a 1,000lb bomb just astern of me. I feared surface craft would get us before we got round Ushant. But our luck held, and next morning about 10am we picked up the Lizard - a place well known to me - and pushed on into Falmouth with a little over an hour's petrol left.' (ibid).
24 D.S.M.'s were awarded for the St. Nazaire Raid- two of which went to the crew of M.L. 307, whilst their skipper and Sub-Lieutenant Clegg were also awarded the D.S.C.
Woodward's subsequent service included in H.M.S. Attack, August-October 1942; H.M.S. Bee, December 1942- April 1945; discharged to shore, 15.2.1946; after the War he was employed as a Textiles Manufacturers Agent; he was present, and laid a wreath, at the dedication of the War Memorial at St. Nazaire.
24
Family Group:
A Great War 'Western Front' M.M. Group of Four to Private S. Flint, Royal Welsh Fusiliers
a) Military Medal, G.V.R. (21886 Pte. S. Flint. 17/R.W. Fus:)
b) 1914-15 Star (21886 Pte. S. Flint. R.W. Fus:)
c) British War and Victory Medals (21886 Pte. S. Flint. R.W. Fus.), light pitting, very fine
Three: Rifleman W.J. Flint, King's Royal Rifle Corps, Killed in Action 30.6.1915
1914-15 Star (A-567 Pte. W.J. Flint. K.R. Rif: C.); British War and Victory Medals (A-567 Pte. W.J. Flint. K.R. Rif. C.), extremely fine, together with a letter from the Officer in-charge Rifles Records regarding the location of the recipient's grave (7) £400-500
Footnote: M.M. London Gazette 11.2.1919 21886 Pte. Flint, S., 17th Bn., Royal Welsh Fusiliers (Islington).
21866 Private Stanley Flint, served with the Royal Welsh Fusiliers during the Great War on the Western Front from 2.12.1915; discharged, 26.4.1919.
A-567 Rifleman William James Flint, born Islington, Middlesex; served with the 7th Battalion, King's Royal Rifle Corps during the Great War; killed in action on the Western Front, 30.6.1915; was buried '20 yards N.E. of the moat round the house situated in 1.15 by 88 of Sheet 28, France and Belgium map' (letter to the recipient's father from the Officer in-Charge Rifles Records, dated 30.8.1915 refers), and is commemorated on the Ypres (Menin Gate) Memorial, Belgium.
25
A Good Second War 1942 'Whitley and Halifax' Rear Gunner's D.F.M. Group of Five to Sergeant, Later Squadron Leader, J. Davidson, 78 Squadron, Royal Air Force, Who Shot Down an Enemy Fighter Whilst Returning From a Raid to Brest, 13.9.1941, and Who Flew as a Gunnery Leader in the 'Thousand Bomber Raids' to Cologne, Essen and Bremen, Including Operation Millennium, 30.5.1942, His Part in Which is Related in Great Deatail in Eric Taylor's Book Operation Millennium, 'Bomber' Harris's Raid on Cologne, May 1942. Davidson Later Retrained and Flew Helicopters During the Malayan Conflict
a) Distinguished Flying Medal, G.VI.R. (1113649 Sgt. J. Davidson. R.A.F.), suspension slack
b) 1939-1945 Star
c) Air Crew Europe Star
d) Defence and War Medals
e) General Service 1918-62, E.II.R., one clasp, Malaya (Flt. Lt. J. Davidson. R.A.F.), light contact marks throughout, generally very fine, mounted as originally worn, with the following related items:
- Six Associated Miniature Awards
- Various items of cloth insignia and buttons
- Scrap Book compiled of photographs and newspaper cuttings from various stages of recipient's career, including a telegram sent in error to recipient in the UK from the Officer Commanding R.A.F. Kualalumpur congratulating him on the award of a D.F.C., dated 4.2.1958
- A copy of Operation Millennium, 'Bomber' Harris's Raid on Cologne, May 1942, by E. Taylor, in which the recipient is mentioned numerous times and his Log Book is pictured (lot) £2,000-2,400
Footnote: D.F.M. London Gazette 12.1.1943 1113649 Sergeant James Davidson, 78 Squadron, R.A.F.
The Recommendation, dated 16.10.1942, states: 'Sergeant Davidson has completed 29 sorties against the enemy including 6 on Bremen and has proved himself an excellent and most courageous Air Gunner, undeterred by a bad crash early in his operational career. In fact, on his next sorties as a tail gunner of a Whitley, he destroyed a Heinkel 113 in air combat over Brest. He has since completed many to the heavily defended German targets with unshaken determination. Sergeant Davidson is recommended for the Distinguished Flying Medal.'
Squadron Leader James 'Jim' Davidson, D.F.M. served during the Second War as a Rear Gunner and Gunnery Leader with 78 Squadron; he flew in 29 operational sorties with the squadron including Hamm; Frankfurt; Le Havre; 27.8.1941 Bruges, 'Aircraft hit by flak and crashed on landing. A/C burnt our and all crew injured' (Sortie Record refers); 13.9.1941 Brest, 'After bombing target, was attacked by He 113. R/Gunner fired three good bursts and the HE was seen by Captain and T/Gunner to go down in flames' (Ibid); Kiel; Dusseldorf; Boulogne; Hamburg (2); he took part with the squadron in Operation Millennium the attack on Cologne, the first Allied 1,000 bomber raid, 30/31.5.1942; Operation Millennium, 'Bomber' Harris's Raid on Cologne, May 1942 by E. Taylor gives the following insight into Davidson's actions in the hours leading up to the raid and his actual part in Operation Millennium:
'Saturday, 30th May 1942: In the overcrowded RAF messes, 6,000 aircrew waited and the nervous tension rose perceptibly. Men who had never smoked before accepted cigarettes... They were an odd mixture. Some had already been through the 'sausage machine' of the first ten operations. Others were completely raw, not even properly trained, and a few nearing the end of their thirty-op tour... They all knew something big was on but they did not know exactly what. Slowly the rumour started to circulate that they were destined for some suicidal mass daylight raid...
Jim Davidson, a veteran, heard the story at RAF Croft, on the Durham/Yorkshire border, but he was not particularly impressed or worried about the prospect. Two years as a rear gunner had conditioned him to accept the odds against survival. There was nothing to be done about them, except to look well after the efficiency of his guns and turrets.
Jim was a tall, well-built, sandy-haired young Scot, displaying an image more of a ghillie than the glamour air gunner. He did not look the kind who would panic in an emergency: if things got rough, you would expect him to pull out his pipe, pack it methodically and then give his considered judgement - except that in his job there never was time or space for that sort of thing. He was concerned less with the rumour of the raid than with keeping reasonably dry and warm in the primitive living-conditions afforded by RAF Croft, new, muddy 'satellite' airfield to Middleton St. George in County Durham...
Davidson had come to Croft with 78 Squadron to be converted from Whitleys to the four-engined Halifax in time to take part in 'this big raid'... When Davidson had entered the Nissen hut at Croft, with his spaniel dog, Whisky, he found the RAF police and the adjutant going through the personal belongings of aircrew who had been in the beds the previous night. They would not be coming back. They had gone for the 'chop'.
He had sat for a moment on his hard bed remembering when he had gone off to boarding school for the first time and was dumped miles from anywhere. And the same thoughts ran through his mind: "Well, this is it. What have I let myself in for?" He would just have to wait and see...
The education section hut at RAF Croft... was so full men lolled against the walls; the benches were packed and there was hardly room on the tables for maps and papers. Now the time had come for them all to know what was on.
For many of the aircrew of 78 Squadron it was to be their first operation, and anxiety showed on their faces... The 'veterans' of maybe a dozen operations sat poker-faced. They knew what it was all about, whatever the target. Death. And the terror that turned boys into old men.
Suddenly the babble of voices faded. A senior officer stood up and called them all to attention. Then a murmur of surprise rippled through 78 Squadron. What was the group commander doing there? The atmosphere was electric, charged with suspense and expectation. For Air Vice-Marshal Roderick Carr to come down for a briefing it must be something big. He flapped a hand at them as they rose and stood for a moment facing them in silence. Then, in the time-honoured manner the briefing began: "Gentlemen, the target for tonight is COLOGNE!" There was a moment of stunned silence as the message sank in, followed by an audible sigh of relief. They had expected worse.
The Air Marshal held up his hand. "Tonight, gentlemen, though, the raid is no ordinary one. We shall be bombing with one thousand aircraft!"
This time the reaction was instantaneous - the air was filled with incredulous cries of "Bloody Hell!" and whistles of amazement. Now the worst really was behind them. The waiting over. Almost.
The Air Marshal went on to explain the importance of the target... Cologne, the crews were told, was one of the most important cities... with a population of 900,000 people. It was important not just because of its munitions factories and military installations but also because it was a centre of trade and political activity, so that its destruction would be felt all over Germany. It would strike a major blow against German morale- weaken their will to fight!
The intelligence officer then took over the pointer... "One thing we have to make absolutely clear is that Cologne is now one of the most heavily defended of all German cities. So listen carefully... I know many of you have been there before but what you don't know is that during the last month the German High Command has moved an even greater concentration of anti-aircraft defences into the city approaches... You are asking for trouble if you do not stick rigidly to the flight plan. Only in this way can we be sure of saturating the defences enough to cut our losses... I have one special warning for air gunners. Along the route you are following there will be some of our own night fighters with the intruder force attacking the Luftwaffe bases, so for Christ's sake be extra careful about what you fire at!"
Grimly Jim Davidson told himself, "If they fire at you, fire back with all you've got.'
At RAF Croft Jim Davidson crawled into the cramped quarters of the Halifax rear gun turret and had a recurrence of that sinking feeling before taking off, that lonesome foreboding that made him always want to say, "Bloody Hell? Is it really me here again?" Alone isolated from the rest of the crew, listening to the engines slowly revving up and without the support of his friend's backchat, he felt utterly exposed. On his own in a different world.
Now came the most agonizing moment of fear, the dash to the 125mph 'unstick' speed. They seemed like an eternity to Jim, aware that he was sitting on top of 1,300 pounds of high explosive and 2,000 gallons of high-octane fuel. A faltering engine, a burst tyre, faulty flaps, a pilot error amongst any number of factors could, and often did bring a spectacular end to all fear. For ever.
This time they were to make it. Harry Woodly swung the aircraft round in a slow climbing sweep in the direction of Flamborough Head. Soon they were sailing securely over the North Sea in the cold moonlit night. Far, far below a friendly light was winking 'goodbye' from the last dark headland. Somewhere down there, thought Jim, there were warm farmhouses whilst we... He jerked his mind back to the job in hand and blew into the mike. "Skipper? OK to test my guns?" And putting on a strong Yankee accent, "Just to make sure I have lead poisoning at my finger-tips."
"OK, Jim. Go ahead, boy," replied Harry.
There was the metallic crash of the bolts sliding home as he cocked the guns. Now he felt fine. He was doing something. He depressed the guns towards the white-capped waves dimly seen far below and pressed the firing button. The guns chattered and the staccato explosions shook the aircraft, startling the crew. Long red tracers arched downwards and outwards into the night.
"OK, Skip. Guns OK."
"Good lad, Jim," came Harry Woodly's voice.
Now Jim Davidson felt much better. It was just another raid. They were on their way. OK. No stoppages with the guns. No problems to solve. He hated wrestling with the guns in the dark. For the next few hours, here was his perch. Here he would sit swinging the turret from side to side, each movement slow and deliberate, marking a passage of time. Nearer to the end of this raid. Nearer to the end of the tour. But first there was the long haul across the North Sea. It always surprised him how long it took.
Harry Woodly saw it first as he crossed the Dutch coast: a crimson red glow. The dark dome of the sky was shot with blood, like nothing he had ever seen before on all his raids. "It must be a decoy", he thought. "Pyrotechnics creating the effect of fire." He checked his course and stayed with it. The red glow stayed. Dead ahead. Strange. A decoy usually took them off course.
Then, gradually, realization of what that awesome sight really was came as a tremendous shock. Cologne was ablaze from end to end. Fires were feeding upon other fires in the very heart of the city. And all over the smaller darker patches there could be seen the white glare of incendiaries bursting.
Harry was still marvelling at the astonishing spectacle, doing a gentle weave at 14,000 feet, when his mind was jolted back to the immediate situation by a shout from the tail gunner, Jim Davidson, and the rattle of machine-guns which reverberated throughout the aircraft. "Fighter attacking. Right. Now!" Automatically Woodly put the aircraft into the practised drill: a tight diving turn towards the fighter, cutting down the target size and aiming-time for the fighter. It was the beginning of a running fight. The Junkers 88 pilot was a hot one. He lifted one wing, did a stall turn and somehow managed to get into a position to attack from the port beam. "Yes, this man is really good," thought Woodly. He pulled the control column hard back into his stomach. Just in time. Two ropes of red tracer shot right under the port wing. Woodly held onto the column, hard back until he felt the aircraft about to stall. Then just at the precise moment he pushed the nose down and opened the throttles. But the Junker's pilot was not to be denied. He came in again, diving from above the tail, ignoring the tracers whizzing at him from Davidson's guns, his plane shuddering under the recoil from the cannon. Yet again the Halifax corkscrewed downwards. The black shape of the Junkers flashed by. And then it was gone.
"Jesus, Jesus." breathed Davidson heavily, "that was too damned close!"
Now Woodly was getting back some altitude. He called for a course and began again his steady weave towards the stricken city ahead. Checking his crew, one by one. No one hurt. No damage. Yet.
Now the fire was nearer. Wisps of thick smoke began to blur the pilot's vision. There was only one thing he could do, but it involved breaking from the flight plan. He would have to climb above the pall of smoke drifting away from Cologne. He climbed to 17,000 feet. He steadied the bomber on course. Now for the run in.
"All yours, bomb-aimer."
Shellbursts were getting unpleasantly close. The aircraft shuddered in the blasts of near misses now. Jagged lumps of flak ripped holes in his wings and fuselage. There was a vicious flash and a roar in front. Bomb doors were open. No point in looking for the aiming-point now in that conflagration. But the bomb-aimer had selected a patch still untouched by fire. Calmly he gave course corrections. Now all else was blotted out from the minds of both the pilot and the man with his eye in the sight. Immediately below the twin towers of the cathedral passed, and then the silvery river flashing with reds and yellows and white of bursting incendiaries. Steadily they went. The whole cockpit lit up. A thumb felt for the button. A hand contracted into a fist. Bombs fell away in quick succession, and a pattern of flashes below sparked off further flares which soon brought with them belchings of thick black smoke of burning rubber.
Harry Woodly opened the engines to full throttle and made a descending turn to port (instead of the planned route to Euskirchen), rapidly losing height and gaining speed to set a fast course home. As they left the ancient city of Cologne, pursued by bursting shells, an excited Scottish voice came over the intercom:
"Jesus! Jesus! Jesus! What a fire!"
By dawn, in the operations rooms at RAF Croft, the progress of the raid had been closely monitored and recorded in silence... Smartly dressed, tight-shirted airwomen, with hair drawn back... had chalked numbers of the aircraft that had taken off onto the board and their expected time of return. Now they would soon know... A cry was heard. And there at the end of the airfield came the wings of a roaring great bird... Irregularly now they came back, singly, each landing in its own distinctive way. The count was taken...
A different body of men now made their way across the tarmac from those who had moved excitedly out for the raid earlier last night. Tension was released, their postures slumped, they were physically tired and mentally exhausted. But no bed for them yet.
Jim Davidson filed into the operations block behind his pilot, Harry Woodly, and with the rest of the crew tailing after him. There a smartly dressed intelligence officer interrogated them. Carefully he listened to their story of the raid. He interrupted with questions. Had they seen a Halifax go down in flames? Were any parachutes seen? What was the enemy interference like? Sometimes one of the crew would add an extra piece of information, but generally they left the answers for the skipper... Most of the time they sat sprawling on the hard wooden chairs round the table, sipping a mug of tea laced with rum... In the warm room they had stripped off their heavy flying-clothing. Gradually the sheet of paper in front of the debriefing officer was covered with notes.
At last, after a final question or two, they were released and went off for breakfast... One by one they finished their meal and drifted off to their quarters, some to sleep and some to their usual nightmare.
Operation Millennium was now a one-line entry in their logbooks.' In Davidson's case this was rather laconically recorded as, 'Cologne. 1000 A.C. Blitz. Attacked by five fighters. Ju 88.'
Having undertaken this epic raid he continued his tour with trips to Essen (3) including the second outing of the 'Thousand Force'; 16.6.1942 Bonn, 'Flak burst put aircraft out of control and port-inner engine caught fire but went out. Returned and landed safely' (Ibid); Bremen (6) including the reassembling of the 'Thousand Force' 25/26.6.1942; Wilhelmshaven; Vegesack; Duisburg; Lyons; Saarbrucken (2) and Karlsruhe; Davidson carried out two operational tours; advancing to Squadron Leader, he retrained after the war as a helicopter pilot and commanded 60 P.T.C. (Personnel Transit Camp) in Malaya; he returned to view Cologne Cathedral 37 years later after Operation Millennium, where he gave a talk on the raid to a German audience of 800; during this visit he also met with the German fighter ace Adolf Galland, and the Mayor of Cologne; in later life he resided in Huntington, York.
26
A Good Second War 1944 Wellington Wireless Operator's D.F.M. Group of Four to Flight Sergeant C. Manser, 101 Squadron, Royal Air Force, Who Flew in 31 Operational Sorties, Mainly Over Heavily Defended German Targets, Including to Berlin and Back 8 Times. He Was Killed in the Gatow Air Disaster, 5.4.1948, A Catalyst For the Berlin Blockade and Subsequent Airlift
a) Distinguished Flying Medal, G.VI.R. (1391823 F/Sgt. C. Manser. R.A.F.)
b) 1939-1945 Star
c) Air Crew Europe Star
d) War Medal, generally good very fine or better, with the following contemporary documents:
- R.A.F. Navigator's, Air Bomber's and Air Gunner's Flying Log Book (21.3.1943-12.6.1945, the latter months including his employment with B.O.A.C.)
- R.A.F. Service and Release Book
- Letter to recipient's father-in-law from the Private Secretary to the Military Governor of Berlin, dated 29.4.1948
- Letter to recipient's son from the R.A.F. Record and Pay Officer, dated 24.10.1969
- Letter to recipient's son from the German Air Attaché concerning the 50th Anniversary of the Berlin Airlift Commemoration, dated 3.2.1998
- Two Sergeant's Mess R.A.F. Ludford Magna Christmas Dinner 1943 Menus, both signed by members of 101 Squadron; a number of photographs of recipient from varying stages of his career
- Three R.A.F. Notebooks, used during various courses; Air Ministry and Ministry of Civil Aviation, Communications Procedures for the Civil Aeronautical Service Manual (lot) £3,000-4,000
Footnote: D.F.M. London Gazette 13.10.1944 1391829 Flight Sergeant Charles Manser,101 Sqn, R.A.F.
The Recommendation states: 'Flight Sergeant Manser has completed 30 sorties with this squadron against some of the most heavily defended targets in Germany including 8 attacks on Berlin and on all of these operations, he has displayed a keen determination and his steadfastness of purpose is worthy of high praise.
This N.C.O. is a Wireless Operator of outstanding ability whose knowledge and general airmanship have proved invaluable to his Captain on many occasions. Very keen and efficient, Flight Sergeant Manser concentrates on the task in hand with great determination and has helped in no small measure to produce the fine results achieved by his crew.
By his courage and fine example, Flight Sergeant Manser has set a very high standard and it is recommended that his consistent good work and unfailing devotion to duty at all times fully merit this recommendation for an award of the Distinguished Flying Medal.'
Remarks by Station Commander: 'Flight Sergeant Manser has consistently done splendid work, often under difficult and dangerous conditions. His coolness, courage and determination are most praiseworthy and he has set an excellent example of devotion to duty to the other Wireless Operators in the squadron.'
1391829 Flight Sergeant Charles Manser, D.F.M., born 1921; enlisted Royal Air Force, October 1941; after training at No. 2 Radio School, No. 3 (O) A.F.U., No. 28 O.T.U. and 1662 Conversion Unit, he was posted for operational service as a Wireless Operator to 101 Squadron (Lancasters), Ludford Magna, 7.11.1943; in October 1943 the squadron's aircraft had been fitted with A.B.C. jamming equipment, 'this apparatus, which searched out and then jammed enemy R/T frequencies, was vital to the "Battle of the Ether", and a specially-trained German speaking operator accompanied the crew. The special Lancasters - they were readily distinguishable from normal aircraft by their two large dorsal masts - carried a normal bomb load less the weight of the operator and the A.B.C. apparatus... like many other highly ingenious radio counter-measures devices, was, of course, top secret' (Bomber Squadrons of The R.A.F. and Their Aircraft, P.J.R. Moyes, refers); Manser flew in 31 operational sorties with the squadron including: Frankfurt (3); Berlin (8), including 20.1.1944, 'Ops Berlin - Attacked By 3 Me 110s. Cannon Shells Thro Portside etc. Emergency Landing at Lindholme. A/C Write Off' (Log Book refers); Stettin; Leipzig; Stuttgart (2); Schweinfurt; Essen; Nurnburg; Aulnoye; Rouen; Cologne; Maintenon; Venissieux; Orleans; Duisburg; Brunswick, 22.3.1944, 'Ops - Brunswick. Damaged By Accurate Predicted Flak' (Ibid); Aachen (2) and Trappes; having completed his operational tour at the end of May 1944, Manser was posted to No. 28 O.T.U., Wmyeswold; subsequent postings included to 93 Group, Screened Pilots School, Church Broughton and 109 (T) O.T.U., Crosby on Eden; he was employed at B.O.A.C. Whitchurch, April-June 1945 before being discharged from the R.A.F. 14.11.1946; after the war Manser was employed as a radio operator by British European Airways, and on 5.4.1948 he took off as part of the crew in a Vickers Viking for a scheduled flight for Gatow, Berlin (British Zone); 10 Tons for Tempelhof, The Berlin Airlift, by Bob Clarke offers the following account of the flight:
'A scheduled British European Airways Vickers Viking was on its final approach into Gatow, when suddenly a Yak-3 Russian fighter passed close by at speed. The Yak then turned and made another high-speed pass, misjudged and crashed head-on into the Viking, ripping the starboard wing clean-off the aircraft. Both aircraft crashed in flames killing all on board, wreckage coming down on both sides of the sector border. Maj. Hen. Herbert was immediately on the scene. He discovered the Yak had come down in the British sector but this was already guarded by Russian troops. Unfortunately the Viking fuselage lay just inside the Soviet Sector; this too was surrounded by armed Russians. After lengthy negotiations Herbert agreed to allow one Russian sentry to remain at the Yak site as long as one British soldier was allowed to stay with the Viking.
The bodies of the four crew, John Ralph, pilot, Norman Merrington, co-pilot, Charles Manser, radio operator, and Leonard C. Goodman, steward, along with their ten passengers, including two from America and one from Australia, had to be left at the crash site while the political wrangling over acess to the aircraft dragged on. Robertson [British Military Governor Berlin] was enraged by the situation and immediately ordered fighter escort for all British aircraft using the [Berlin] corridors. Sokolovsky (Soviet Military Governor) even gave Robertson an assurance that the SMA had no intention in interfering with aircraft using the corridors. However this attitude did not last for long. When a quadripartite board of enquiry was requested the Soviets blamed the accident on the British, saying that no request for the aircraft to be allowed to traverse Soviet airspace had been lodged and in any case the Yak was legally allowed to be there. Eventually a board of enquiry was convened but it comprised only Russian and British investigators. The Soviets argued that the French and American representatives were not required and forbade their inclusion. The board published its findings in two separate reports but both came to similar conclusions, the accident was just that, no malicious intent was intended and the crash was down to an error on behalf of the Yak pilot.'
27
A Fine R.V.M. Group of Twelve to Buckingham Palace Stove and Flue Attendant G. Jones
a) Royal Victorian Medal, E.II.R., silver, privately named with a minor correction 'Gethyn Jones'
b) 1939-1945 Star
c) Burma Star
d) Defence and War Medals, both privately engraved '2061265 Pte. G. Jones 1/Glos.'
e) Coronation 1937
f) Coronation 1953
g) Royal Household Faithful Service Medal, E.II.R. (Gethyn Jones), suspension bar officially dated '1937-1957', with 'Thirty Years' Additional Award Bar
h) Luxembourg, Grand Duchy, Medal of the Order of Civil and Military Merit of Adolph of Nassau, bronze
i) Malaysia, Federation, Medal of the Order of the Defender of the Realm, silver
j) Greece, Kingdom, Medal of the Order of George I, bronze
k) Persia, Empire, Medal of the Order of the Lion and Sun, silver, good very fine or better, mounted court style as worn (12) £600-800
Footnote: R.V.M. (silver) London Gazette 1.1.1968 Gethyn Jones.
Mr. Gethyn Jones, R.V.M., was born at Hafod, Glamorgan in 1907, and worked as the Stove and Flue Attendant at Buckingham Palace.
28
An Unusual Post War Military Division B.E.M. Group of Seven to Sergeant D.C. Adby, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, Attached Royal Nigerian Army
a) British Empire Medal, Military Division, E.II.R. (1447453 [sic] Sgt. Donald C. Adby, R.E.M.E.), with Gallantry emblem on riband
b) Defence and War Medals
c) General Service 1918-62, E.II.R., one clasp, Malaya (14474153 Cpl. D.C. Adby. R.E.M.E.)
d) United Nations Medal for the Congo (ONUC), one clasp, Congo
e) General Service 1962-2007, two clasps, Radfan, South Arabia, additional retaining rod between clasps (14474153 Sgt. D.C. Adby. B.E.M. REME)
f) Coronation 1953, the silver medals polished and coated, generally very fine or better (7) £500-700
Footnote: B.E.M. London Gazette 1.1.1964 14474153 Sergeant Donald Charles Adby, Corps of Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers; formerly serving with the Royal Nigerian Army.
B.E.M. Gallantry emblem unconfirmed.

THE HISTORICALLY IMPORTANT GROUP OF HONOURS AND AWARDS BESTOWED UPON SURGEON-MAJOR T.H. PARKE

29
The Historically Important Group of Honours and Awards Bestowed Upon Bwana Doctari Surgeon-Major T.H. Parke, Army Medical Department, A Doctor, Soldier, Explorer, and Naturalist, Who Served Alongside H.M. Stanley in the Advance Column as Medical Officer on the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, 1887-89, in Which Capacity He Cared For and Saved the Lives of Both Stanley and Emin Pasha, While in the Process Becoming the First Irishman to Cross the African Continent
a) The Most Venerable Order of St. John, Officer's breast Badge, silver, with lions and unicorns in angles
b) Egypt 1882-89, dated, two clasps, The Nile 1884-85, Abu Klea (Surgeon. T.H. Parke. A.M. Dept.)
c) Zanzibar, Sultanate, Order of the Brilliant Star, Commander's neck Badge, 86mm including wreath suspension x 61mm, silver-gilt and enamel, with neck riband
d) Turkey, Ottoman Empire, Order of Medjidieh, Third Class neck Badge, 78mm including Star and Crescent suspension x 61mm, silver and enamel, with mint mark and silver marks on reverse, lacking obverse central medallion, with neck riband; together with the recipient's Fourth Class breast Badge, 65mm including Star and Crescent suspension x 50mm, silver, gold applique, and enamel
e) Khedive's Star 1882, unnamed as issued
f) Emin Relief Expedition Star 1887-89, silver (Hallmarks for Birmingham 1889), unnamed as issued, good very fine or better, with various damaged boxes of issue, two of which are embossed 'T.H.P.', and the following additional Honours and Awards &c.:
- British Medical Association Gold Medal for Distinguished Merit, by J.S. & A.B. Wyon, London, 57mm, gold (139.21g), Minerva on obverse, reverse inscribed 'For Distinguished Merit' within wreath, 'British Medical Association Medal Instituted July 11th 1877' around, edge engraved in large serif capitals 'Surgeon Thomas Heazle Parke, A.M.D., 1890.', planchet detached from suspension, with neck riband with gold buckle, in embossed fitted case of issue, with illuminated presentation Bestowal Document, named to Surgeon Thomas Heazle Parke, A.M.S., and dated 31.7.1890
- Royal Geographical Society of Antwerp Stanley Medal, by F. Baetes, Antwerp, 66mm, silver, Antwerp city Arms on obverse, 'Stad Antwerpern' above, 'Thomas Heazle Parke' engraved below in sans-serif capitals, reverse inscribed 'To Henry M. Stanley April 1890' within wreath, Star above, 'The Municiple Council- The Royal Geographical Society- and The Chamber of Commerce of Antwerp' around, edge plain, in fitted case of issue, the lid embossed 'T.H.P.' - Royal Geographical Society Stanley Medal, by Miss E. Hallé, London, 123mm, bronze, Stanley facing left on obverse, 'HM Stanley Presented by the Royal Geographical Society MDCCCXC.' around, reverse featuring a female deity wearing elephant head-dress and holding in each hand a vase from which water pours, her left foot resting on a crocodile, mountain scene in background, 'Congo, Nile, Rvwenzori 1887-1889' in upper right hand corner, the top engraved in large serif capitals 'Thomas Heazle Parke', edge plain, in fitted case of issue, the lid embossed 'T.H.P.'
- The Massive 'Americans in London' Tribute Medallion, by Elkington, London, 115mm x 105mm, silver (1.12kg, Hallmarks for London 1890), Stanley facing right on obverse, 'From Americans in London to Surgeon T.H. Parke, A.M.D. (Bwana Doctari) 30th. May 1891. "Skilled as a Physician, Tender as a Nurse, Gifted with Remarkable Consideration and Sweet Patience"- Stanley.' engraved below, reverse featuring portraits of Stanley's four principal Officers, Lieutenant W.G. Stairs, Surgeon T.H. Parke, Captain R.H. Nelson, and Mr. A.J. Mounteney Jephson in centre, Map of Africa above, with the Union and American Flags either side, forest and mountain scenes in background, '"Never while Human Nature remains as we know it will there be found four Gentlemen so matchless for their constancy, devotion to their work, earnest purpose and unflinching obedience to Honour and Duty"- Stanley.' engraved below, in fitted case of issue, the lid depicting a scene where 'Parke sucks the arrow poison from Stairs' wound', and embossed 'Surgeon T.H. Parke, A.M.D. (Bwana Doctari- Master Doctor)'
- THE AMERICAN TESTIMONIAL BANQUET TO HENRY M. STANLEY, IN RECOGNITION OF HIS HEROIC ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE CAUSE OF HUMANITY, SCIENCE & CIVILIZATION, London: no publisher, May 30, 1890. Octavo, original elaborately tooled full polished brown calf, patterned endpapers, all edges gilt, with five vintage prints of Stanley and his chief officers
- Page from the Will of Captain W.H. Parke, the recipient's heir, listing Parke's honours and awards
- Portrait photograph of the recipient, together with a photograph of the Men of the Expedition (lot) £30,000-40,000
Footnote: Turkish Order of the Medjidieh, Third Class London Gazette 18.2.1890 Surgeon Thomas Heazle Parke, Army Medical Staff
'In recognition of the signal services which he has rendered, under the leadership of Mr. Stanley, in effecting the deliverance of Emin Pasha.'
Surgeon-Major Thomas Heazle Parke, was born in Kilmore, Co. Roscommon, Ireland in November 1857, and was educated at the College of Surgeons, Dublin. In February 1881 he was Commissioned into the Army Medical Department, and, having volunteered for active service in the Egyptian campaign, left England for Africa- the Continent which would form the backdrop to the greater part of his professional life- the following September. He was first stationed in Alexandria, 'where the exigencies of warfare, and the calls of pressing professional duties, did not prevent me from receiving a great deal of hospitable kindness and attention from the foreign residents of that venerable metropolis. In addition to the necessarily large proportion of bullet wounds, and the other surgical injuries connected with the use of modern weapons of destruction, I had there a very large medical practice in the treatment of malarial fevers, gastro-intestinal inflammations, and fevers of a purely enteric (typhoid) type. The enormous preponderance of intestinal diseases of every class, which is so characteristic of medical practice in sub-tropical climates, was well exemplified in my Alexandrian experience.' (My Personal Experience in Equatorial Africa as Medical Officer of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, by T.H. Parke refers). Such experiences were to prove a most useful introduction to Africa. As well as his practice in Alexandria, Parke saw a good deal of field service, including the surrender of Kafir Dowar, and received the Egypt Medal and Khedive's Star.
The Nile Expedition 1884-85
Returning home in late 1883, Parke was stationed at Dundalk, Ireland, until September 1884, when he again volunteered for active service, and joined the Nile Expedition for the relief of General Gordon. Arriving in Egypt on the 7th October 1884, he left Cairo for the front three days later. Appointed in Medical charge of the Naval Brigade, under Lord Charles Beresford, he crossed the Bayuda desert, was present at the Battles of Abu Klea, 17.1.1885, and Gubat, and the attack on Metammeh. Parke was one of the five Officers who crossed the Bayuda desert with Lord Charles Beresford: two were killed, one was severely wounded, Beresford was slightly wounded, and Parke himself escaped without a scratch. After the fall of Khartoum, he accompanied the Camel Corps as Medical Officer down the Nile to Alexandria, and prepared to return to England: 'We had actually got on board, and, just as the boat was moving off, I received orders to disembark, and return to duty at Alexandria. So I was obliged to have my few articles of baggage hastily brought back to land, and again resume my duty on the African continent.' (ibid).
The Emin Pasha Relief Expedition 1887-89
Following the fall of Khartoum to the Mahdist forces, Egyptian control over the Sudan collapsed, and the extreme southern province of Equatoria, located on the upper reaches of the Nile near Lake Albert was cut off from the outside world. The Governor of this province was Emin Pasha, a German doctor and naturalist who had been appointed Governor of Equatoria by General Gordon. Having been informed in February 1886 that the Egyptian government would abandon Equatoria, he wrote suggesting that the British government annex Equatoria itself. Although the government was not interested in further expansion in Africa at this point in time, the British public came to see Emin as a second General Gordon, in mortal danger from the Mahdists. A Relief Expedition, funded by public subscription, was hastily arranged, and the man approached to lead the expedition was none other the most famous African explorer of the age, Henry Morton Stanley.
An Invitation from Stanley
'28th-29th January 1887: I was dining with a party at the Khedivial Club when a telegram was brought to me by the waiter. On opening it I found it was from the leader of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. It was worded as follows:
"Surgeon Parke, Medical Staff, Alexandria. If Allowed accompany Expedition what terms required? Are you free to go with me? Stanley."
I determined to lose no time in preparation, as Mr. Stanley's quickness of resolve and promptitude of action were well know. So I immediately wired my reply:
"Certainly. Coming to Cairo tonight."
Upon meeting Mr. Stanley, I asked whether he had any surgical instruments with him for the use of the Expedition. He replied "No".' (ibid).
Parke spent the next week frantically procuring the required kit and supplies, as well as paying the necessary farewell visits. And on the 7th February 1887 the Expedition, consisting of Stanley, his servant, his six British Officers, together with 62 Sudanese and 13 Somali men, sailed for Zanzibar.
Arriving in Zanzibar on the 22nd February, Stanley recruited a further 600 Zanzibar men for the Expedition, before setting sail once more for the Belgian Congo. Passing Cape Town on the 9th March, they reached the mouth of the Congo on the 18th March, and proceeded slowly up the river, crossing the Equator on the 24th May, and finally reaching the navigable head of the Congo at Yambuya in mid-June. There they set up a base camp, which would be defended by the rear column, comprising of two of the six Companies, formed mainly of the weaklings of the Expedition, leaving four Companies, commanded by Parke, Lieutenant W.G. Stairs, Captain R.H. Nelson, and Mr. A.J. Mounteney Jephson, to proceed with Stanley in search of Emin Pasha.
Through Darkest Africa
'28th June 1887: Réveille sounded at 5:00am, and, one hour after, Mr. Stanley marched out of the stockade with the advance guard- at the head of the Column, which numbered 389 Officers and Men. We bade good-bye to Barttelot and Jameson, both of whom looked very gloomy at the idea of being left behind. When we marched away the place looked quite deserted, but the Garrison is well protected by the stockade. We kept to the river as we went on; and are to proceed directly east, to the southern extremity of the Lake Albert. Our march led us through the forest in a thick undergrowth of bush, through which we were obliged to cut our way. After a few hours' march some of the hostile natives fired upon us with their poisoned arrows. Every evening when we halt our first duty is to get the men to cut bushes and make a zareeba of considerable size and strength, so as to protect the caravan from night surprises, of either wild men or wild beasts. We then pitch our tents, pile the loads, and the men make their huts- all inside the enclosure. Rain fell heavily and drenched everything. All the rivers are so swollen that we are sometimes up to our necks in wading through'
'13th August: Stairs was wounded by a poisoned arrow. He was very much blanched; there was very little haemorrhage, but he was suffering greatly from shock and pain. I found a punctured wound on the left side of the front of his chest, just below the nipple: close to the apex of the heart. Just as he was hit, he had struck the arrow aside with his arm; this had the effect of breaking it off in the wound, leaving a couple of inches within the chest. As the arrow was a poisoned one I regarded suction of the wound as offering the best and only chance of life; for the point had penetrated much deeper than a caustic, applied externally to the wound, could possibly reach. Acting on the idea, I at once sucked the edges of the wound; till I felt sure that I had extracted the greater part, if not the whole, of the adherent poison. I then washed out my mouth with a weak solution of carbolic acid, and injected the wound with the same, before applying carbolised dressings to the wound, and bandaged the whole securely. He was now very faint, and of course very anxious, so I gave him half a grain of morphia by hypodermic injection.' (ibid). Parke had by now well and truly earned the epithet 'Bwana Doctari', meaning 'Master Doctor'.
The Expedition continued its course across the African continent, becoming more desperate as it went. Food was scarce, disease common, the weather and terrain awful. All five Europeans, including Parke and Stanley, were struck down by dysentery, and desertions amongst the Zanzibaris were increasing. By October all the men were in a fainting condition for want of food, and Parke was left wondering how it would all end:
'15th October: We are all exhausted now, and our men are in a desperate way. Mr. Stanley shot his donkey, and gave 1lb ration of flesh to each man. They were ravenous, and struggled like pariah dogs for the blood, hide, and hoofs. it is pitiful and painful, to the last degree, to see all the other appetites and passions completely merged in the overwhelming one of hunger. Hardly a trace of any other idea seemed to exist in the minds of our starving men than that of the mechanical introduction of food into the stomach.'
'16th October: we marched early, but there were not enough men to carry the loads, as the poor creatures were dying along the road, and we had to leave them, taking their rifles with us. Our philanthropic pilgrimage for the relief of our hypothetical friend, Emin Pasha, is certainly being carried out with many of the outward and visible signs of an inward and spiritual self-denial, which cannot, I venture to think, be very far surpassed in history.' (ibid).
Starvation and Fever in Ipoto
In late October the Expedition arrived at the village of Ipoto, which was to be Parke's home for the next few months:
'24th October: In the evening Mr. Stanley called us white Officers into his tent, and said that I am to remain here to look after Nelson, and that Stairs and Jepson should follow him with all available men. I asked him when I should be relieved. He said three months hence; that I should be brought away with Nelson. Practically we will both be prisoners here. I asked to get the native chiefs to agree that we should be fed. He replied that he had done so, and made arrangements to this purpose, but that we should probably get little or no meat. So that we have no prospect before us here but an indefinite period of vegetarian existence.'
'27th October: Mr. Stanley marched away this morning with 147 men. I am now left here with 29 starving Zanzibaris. A dismal prospect, at the mercy of these savages, my 29 men lying all about everywhere- bags of bones as they all are.' (ibid).
Over the next two months relationships with the villages went steadily downhill, and it was only through selling their clothes, rifles, and ammunition that Parke and his men were able to get even scraps of food. The situation became steadily worse:
'15th December: Spent the day in bed, as I am unable to walk on account of enlarged glands in the upper part of the front of my left thigh. I calculate that it will lay me up for a month, and that I will have to use the knife on myself. An inspiring anticipation, surely, under my circumstances. There is a very great inflammatory swelling about my left hip and thigh, with a decidedly erysipelatous-looking blush, and an accompanying temperature of 100F. I am sure I have got blood poisoning from the continual handling of the ulcers from which so many of our men are suffering, and the condition is necessarily aggravated by the results of the wretched dieting to which I have been so long obliged to accommodate myself. A most lovely sunset this evening. One would like to be able to enjoy it, but the surroundings are rather against the full appreciation of aesthetic effects.'
'17th December: I am worse today, the inflammation is spreading up the walls of the abdomen, and down the left thigh, and the scarlet hue of the surface has been exchanged for a deep livid tint. The surface pits on pressure, and there is intense pain. No position is comfortable for me. I injected some cocaine, with the intention of making an incision to relieve the extreme tension; but I postponed (or rather "funked") the latter performance till tomorrow.'
'19th December: Nelson is very weak- so far gone indeed that he will certainly die if he is attacked by any acute disease, as he has no strength left to bear up against it, and there is no nourishment to be procured for him by any means I know of. It is really heartrending to look on at his declining condition fading as he is day by day. I gave myself a large injection of cocaine, as a local anaesthetic, and Nelson operated on me. He made an incision about two inches in length, and two in depth, then quickly disappeared from my tent. A very profuse haemorrhage followed, which weakened me considerably. I was to have had two incisions, but the one that he gave me was as much as I cared to experience. Poor fellow! He used to be called by the men "Panda lamwana" meaning "big man", on account of his size and strength, and now he is reduced to a walking skeleton of 135lbs.'
'20th December: We were obliged today to give a Remington rifle to a chief for a goat, so as to have some meat for Christmas. We also bought a lot of insects- they look half bee and half grub- which are found in the soil here, and are said to be a luxury. At this rate we can hold out but for a month or so; Mr. Stanley says we may be relieved after three months!'
'25th December: I spent the day in bed, lying on our ammunition boxes. My temperature was 102F, and my erysipelas worse. The latter is now extending down the left leg. I am greatly afraid that this thing will keep me on my back for a long time. Nelson, I am glad to say, is now better. He superintended the dinner, which consisted of goat and rice. I wish all my friends at home a happier Christmas that I myself can enjoy. Another month, and all our Zanzibaris will be dead from starvation. Twelve have disappeared already of the 29 we were left, and I feel certain that some of them have been eaten by the villagers. We have been saved up to the present from a similar fate by judicious disposal of our clothes and rifles.' (ibid).
The New Year hardly brought any comfort, and January in particular was a wretched month for both Parke, whose erysipelas got worse, and Nelson:
'23rd January 1888: We are in a bad way for food- the chiefs seem to think that we have no stomachs. We are all skeletons- neither Nelson nor myself can walk more than a few yards at a stretch. Last night one of the men went down to the river to draw water- a distance of about 200 yards from the village. He was set upon by his comrades on the way, and killed and eaten there and then. Food now seems to be really scarce indeed! The people are now existing, in great measure, on banana and plantain root, which is very stringy and tasteless. The river, from which we draw our drinking water, is polluted with excrement.' (ibid).
But help was, finally, around the corner:
'25th January: At 11:00am one of the native chiefs came and said that his sentries had come in, and told him that a white man was coming- many shots were fired off, and a drum was beaten, to hail the advent of the stranger. We could scarcely speak for joy, as we anticipated some relief from our dreary existence of imprisonment and starvation. After a few more minutes Stairs appeared, leading a column of the finest looking, fat, muscular, glossy-skinned men I ever saw, the same men who had left us in skeleton form three months ago. They cheered, and we cheered; they fired a volley, and both Nelson and myself fired off every chamber of our revolvers in salutation. It was a moment of excitement, a reprieve from the death sentence which we had so long felt pressing over and around us. Stairs told us what had happened since we had parted; how they had found food at a distance of ten days from here, and that Mr. Stanley and Jephson are working hard at Fort Bodo, but still without news of Emin Pasha. He was delighted to see us, and our joy to have him back can hardly be described. He really is a good hearted fellow, and did not neglect to bring us plenty of food. We sat up late to prolong our rejoicings; and altogether I felt that this relief was the happiest event of my life. I had said several times, lately, to Nelson that I believed Mr. Stanley would rescue us before the three months were ended.' (ibid).
After setting out the following day, Parke and Nelson reached Fort Bodo, Stanley's new camp, on the 8th February.
A New Patient- Stanley Himself
'18th February: I was sent for at 3:00am to see Mr. Stanley. He was suffering from great pain in the epigastric region; and, indeed, apparently over the whole surface of the abdomen, with a good deal of hepatic tenderness, especially in the vicinity of the gall bladder. He said that it is the same illness which had brought him to the brink of death on three former occasions. So he is naturally very anxious about the result.'
'19th February: The illness of our chief was, of course, my great care today. I kept him on an exclusive milk-diet. The milk was always given cold, and diluted with almost equal quantity of water. There is still great pain and tenderness over the stomach, accompanied by very distressing vomiting of a dark fluid. The rejected matter is evidently stained with some blood. I applied turpentine stupes, and gave forty minims of tincture opii by mouth, followed, as the retching continued, by half a grain of morphine, administered hypodermically. The latter gave great ease. I sat with him all night and all day; the vomiting continued, at short intervals, all the time. The tongue is covered by a thick white fur, and the skin is bathed in a profuse clammy perspiration. The pulse and respiration are both very rapid: he has fever, which is now assuming an intermittent type.'
'20th February: Mr. Stanley still very ill, and suffering intense pain, so that I now give a large dose of morphine morning and evening. I am keeping turpentine stupes constantly applied.'
'21st February: Jephson sat up last night with Mr. Stanley, as I was knocked up for want of sleep; having sat up two nights in succession. He feels a little better now, but I am still very anxious about him. His pulse is extremely quick and weak, and his entire condition very unpromising. There is no doubt that the case is one of sub-acute gastritis, with intense congestion of the liver and spleen. He cannot sleep, night or day, till he has had a large dose of morphia. The pain recurred badly this evening, so I gave a hypodermic dose of morphine, with a corrective of atropine. I also gave him bismuth and bicarbonate of soda in his milk. He is feeling easier tonight, but is extremely weak.'
'22nd February: I sat up the whole of last night, continually applying warm stupes over the stomach and liver. For food I gave him milk and water only. He had his first good sleep tonight, and feels somewhat stronger today, but it is still touch and go with him; he is excessively weak, even now. His tongue is still heavily coated with fur.' (ibid).
Over the next three weeks Parke slowly nursed Stanley back to good health, and by the 15th March he was up and about. On the 2nd April the Expedition left Fort Bodo for Lake Albert. The force at this stage numbered 122. Stanley was accompanied by both Parke and Jephson, leaving Nelson in charge of the Fort, with instructions that Stairs, when he was able, should follow on. On the 17th April they reached the Lake: 'Our chief sent me ahead of the column, to find the nearest point of emergence from the forest, which I did, thus ending my own forest existence of nearly twelve months. It did feel as a deliverance: I felt like Bonnivard when, after six years of dungeon life in the Castle of Chillon, he was again able to look over his beautiful and beloved Lake Geneva... The following day, after a march of about six miles, we were met by a native, who brought a letter addressed to Mr. Stanley, and signed "Dr. Emin".' (ibid).
Meeting with Emin Pasha
The letter from Emin Pasha to Stanley told how the writer had heard of Stanley's presence in the area, and asked that the Expedition stay where it was, as he would soon come down the Lake in his steamer. A week later a further missive arrived, saying that Emin would arrive on the 29th April:
'Everyone was on the qui vive to try and be the first to sight the steamers. Each of us tried for an elevated spot so that he might have a good point of view, and everyone strained his eyes to the utmost. Mr. Stanley got a good vantage point by utilising the summit of an ant-hill, on which he stood and used his binoculars. He was, accordingly, the first to announce "Steamer!" at about 5:00pm- she was then about seven or eight miles off. As the vessel came closer within range the Zanzibaris became perfectly wild with excitement. They were overjoyed with the certainty of the existence of the mysterious white man, in search for whom they had wandered so far and suffered so much- an existence the fact of which they had often bitterly questioned in the course of their weary wanderings through the forest. The steamer anchored in a bay about two and a half miles away. Mr. Stanley dispatched me with an escort to receive the Pasha and conduct him to our camp. It was pretty dark by the time I got near the place where the steamer was anchored, so I fired off a couple of volleys, on hearing which the Pasha came towards us. Our men displayed their sense of the triumphant issue of our wanderings by firing several volleys. It was not the least dangerous stage of our mission this- the Pasha's men were so excited that they let off their bullets in all directions, and at every angular elevation, so that a good many whizzed by, unpleasantly close to our heads, as we moved about in the dark.
The Pasha was of a very slight build, and rather short of stature. He wore a clean white shirt, with a spotless coat and trousers. His bronze skin and black hair were shown out in strong contrast by these garments. He looked cheerful and was excessively polite. The meeting between him and our leader was a warm one. Mr. Stanley gave the Pasha a seat, and then disappeared for a moment, returning with three bottles of Champagne, which he had been keeping carefully concealed in the lower depths of his box. We then all drank the Pasha's health. The Pasha said that he could scarcely express his thanks to the English for sending him relief at the expense of so much trouble and cost, but added that he did not know whether he would care to come out, after doing so much work in the province, and having everything now in perfect order... he seems to look upon himself as the slave of his people, and that his services are entirely theirs, to be used as they may think proper. He must have been an ideal liberal governor!' (ibid).
Almost a month went by, and still Emin Pasha would not decide whether or not he wanted to come out with the Expedition. On the 24th May, Stanley and Parke left Lake Albert, leaving Jephson with Emin Pasha, to return to Ipoto, where Parke had spent such a harrowing three months, so that Parke could return to Fort Bodo with the stores that had been left behind there, whilst Stanley himself would continue back to the Congo, and bring up the Rear Column, still based there. Arriving at Fort Bodo on the 8th June, they met up again with Stairs and Nelson, who had both been stationed there, and rested for a week, before heading on to Ipoto, arriving there on the 23rd June;
'On my arrival, all the chiefs got up and came forward to meet me, and made their salaams. One of the chiefs asked me if I was ill; this, I knew by his subsequent conversation, was to introduce a contrast between my present appearance and what it had been when I left their camp. He said that I was fat and well then! In the afternoon Mr. Stanley abused the villagers pretty strongly for- as he directly put it- killing our poor Zanzibaris. The chiefs implored him not to tell the Sultan of Zanzibar of the cruelties that had been practised on the men during their stay, or of their treatment of Nelson and myself. My loads were all handed over correctly to me, and the following day Mr. Stanley parted from me to go towards Yambuya in search of Barttelot.' (ibid).
After an uneventful march, Parke arrived back at Fort Bodo, with all the stores, on the 6th July. Here he gathered his thoughts:
'8th July: I am indulging this evening in a somewhat gloomy retrospect. 29 men had been left with me originally at the Ipoto camp, and of this number half have now died. Nelson and myself remained in bed all today; we have both been attacked with bad fever. Providence does not appear to intend that any nook of Africa should afford us a haven of rest; alternate drenching by rain and combustion by fever fill up our present programme.' (ibid).
The next six months were to bring little change. Life at the Fort was a constant battle between fighting bouts of fever and scouring for food, ensuring what little crops they were able to cultivate were not destroyed by either elephants or native tribes. Their diet consisted almost entirely of bananas, beans, corn, and rice, together with what native herbs and other seasoning they could muster. All attempts at killing game were unsuccessful. Hopes that the tedium would be relieved, either by the arrival of Jephson with Emin Pasha, or by Stanley with the Rear Column, went unfounded until December.
Arrival of the Rear Column
'20th December: At about 10:00am we were interrupted by the report of shots fired at some little distance- the signal of Stanley's arrival with the Rear Column! We were emancipated from our wretched bondage! Stairs had mounted the sentry-box, and shouted that Stanley was coming. Nelson came out to the entrance of the Fort, and all the men began to jump about in a state of ecstasy. I ran down to meet him, and grasped his hand. He looked careworn and ragged to an extreme degree- and I never felt so forcibly as now, how much this man was sacrificing in the carrying out of a terrible duty which he had imposed upon himself. He might very well have been living in luxury within the pale of the most advanced civilisation, housed in some of its most sumptuous mansions, and clothed in its choicest raiment, and- here he was. I had never before so fully believed in Stanley's unflinching earnestness of purpose, and unswerving sense of duty.
I asked him how Barttelot and Jameson were, and he replied that they were both gone: Barttelot was shot on the 18th June, at Banalya, by a chief, for interfering with his wife; and Jameson had left for Stanley Falls for carriers and had not returned [It was later established that Jameson had died on the 17th August 1888 in the Belgian Congo of fever and exhaustion]. Of the 260-odd Zanzibaris, who had been left with the Rear Column, considerably less than 100 had survived to tell the melancholy tale.'
'We all now packed up our belongings, preparing to start for Lake Albert. In the evening we three whites (of the Fort) discussed the facts of the Expedition. We had been horrified by the story of the wreck of the Rear Column, which we had left in June last year, well secured in a stockaded fort at Yambuya. About one-third only of the force had survived; and enormous amount of baggage and ammunition had been lost or abandoned; and the Europeans appeared to have been completely at loggerheads with one another, and on extremely bad terms with their men.'
'23rd December: Mr. Stanley, Stairs, and myself left the Fort on our way to Lake Albert. Nelson remained behind for some hours with thirty men, to burn the Fort, to bury a large glass bottle at the eastern extremity of the enclosure, and then to bring on some loads. The glass bottle was buried a couple of feet underground, and contains a letter written by Nelson, and a few small things of European manufacture, which may teach the African antiquarian of a thousand years hence that a crude form of civilisation, known as the "English", had penetrated into the heart of Africa, in the year of grace 1888.' (ibid).
Further News from Emin Pasha
Arriving at Lake Albert in late January 1889, Stanley received a package containing letters from both Jephson and Emin Pasha. They contained the startling tale that Emin Pasha and Jephson had been made prisoners in August 1888 by mutinous rebel forces in Rejaf, in the north of the province. However, by luck, the Mahdi's troops from Khartoum came up the river in steamers, and attempted to capture Rejaf; in the confusion that ensued, the Pasha and Jephson took the opportunity to escape, and succeeded in reaching Kavalli Camp on Lake Albert. Emin Pasha concluded his letter by saying that his mind was now made up, and that he would accompany Stanley out of Africa. The Expedition now moved to Kavalli Camp with all haste. A successful conclusion was in sight!
'18th February: We started early, and, after a march of about eight miles, reached Kavalli's, where we were received by Emin Pasha. The Pasha now told us that he had not wished to come out, till the mutiny had occurred. Jephson is looking well; he suffered very little from fever during his stay with the Pasha.' (ibid).
For the Coast
After a two month wait at Kavalli's, whilst they waited for Emin Pasha's men to fall in, and also to make final preparations for the march to the coast, the Expedition left Kavalli's Camp and Lake Albert on the 10th April. Progress was painfully slow, as often one or more of the Officers were struck down with fever, and Parke, when he was not ill himself, was constantly tending to their needs, but finally, on the 16th August, Lake Victoria was spotted. On the 28th August they reached Usambiro, at the southern tip of Lake Victoria, where the Church Missionary Society had a station:
'28th August: We arrived here about 11:00am, and ate up everything we could lay hands on, in the shape of food. Mr. Mackay [the Missionary] was most cordial and generous, and threw open all his stores to us. We also enjoyed the first European news we had heard for nearly two and a half years. Our first question was whether Her Majesty the Queen was still alive; then H.R.H. the Prince of Wales; then the Princess of Wales. We heard of two dead Emperors of Germany; and no military campaigns. Our latest newspaper is February 1888, so that we only got the news of "The Failure of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition"- printed while we were working hard and doing well!
We also heard of the German activity in the interior. When we started with the Expedition, we were constantly chaffing the Zanzibaris by telling them that the Germans would have Zanzibar when we returned. It is really curious that our frivolous jokes should have been verified so truly.' (ibid).
Having crossed the African Continent from west to east, the Expedition arrived at Bagamoyo, on the shore of the Indian Ocean, on the 4th December 1889: 'The sight of the broad expanse of ocean called forth shrieks of joy from our impulsive Zanzibaris. My own eyes were not in good enough condition to enjoy the sight so much as I could have wished, but I felt, perhaps, nearly as much as any. The bitterness of death was past, our slow and weary pilgrimage had drawn to a close!'
'5th December: The local magnates, vice-consuls &c. (English, Germans, and Italians), welcomed us, and the Germans entertained us in the evening, with the object of doing honour to the long-lost Pasha and the hero of his rescue. A brilliant congratulatory speech was made by Major Wissmann, the German Commissioner, to which Mr. Stanley replied; and Emin Pasha expressed his grateful appreciation of what had been done for him by Mr. Stanley and ourselves, as the representatives of British philanthropy, in an eloquent and highly-finished discourse. All went merry as a marriage ball. After this speech he walked round to the back of my chair, full of spirits, spoke something in my ear, and strolled, evidently in an absent and contemplative mood, through a doorway towards the open window of an adjoining room.
He had occupied one-storey dwellings only, for a period of 14 years, and he simply walked through and was precipitated to the ground, a fall of about eighteen or twenty feet. The fall produced immediate unconsciousness. He had extensively fractured the base of the skull, and remained perfectly comatose for nearly five hours. He was at once conveyed to the German Hospital, where I myself attended to him. On recovering consciousness the first word he uttered, on partial recovery of the power of articulation, was "Parke". I was, naturally, a good deal affected by this indication of the impression I had made on my poor patient's feelings, and felt myself bound to him by a new tie of friendship.' (ibid).
Stanley himself left with the rest of the Expedition for Zanzibar on the following day, 6th December. Parke stayed looking after Emin Pasha for a further three weeks, until the Pasha had made a full recovery, before re-joining the rest of the Expedition in Zanzibar. Here he was suddenly struck down with malaria, and the doctors in the French Hospital feared the worse: 'The Doctor completely lost all hopes of my recovery, and on one night, when I was at the worst, he summoned Mr. Stanley, and my brother officers of the Expedition, to see me breathe my last. Prostrate as I was, I was conscious of their presence. My clearest remembrance on the subject are connected with the fact that, during my illness, I practically lived upon iced Champagne, and my sense of taste was never so completely benumbed as to prevent me from appreciating it. After three long years of indulgence in the sipping of stagnant, fetid, tepid, typho-malarial African water, the promotion to the enjoyment of such nectar as this was almost worth the illness which confined me to its use. To the leader of our Expedition, and to my brother officers, I owe a life-long debt of gratitude for their kind attention and assiduous care during my worst hours of sickness.' (ibid).
Home at Last
Parke left Zanzibar with Stanley and, after a few months in Cairo, returned home in triumph in April 1890: 'A large and enthusiastic crowd awaited at Alexandria to bid us "God speed", and to cheer us as we passed along, and we waved, as we moved away from land, a farewell salute to the shores of the continent, from the unexplored interior of which each one of us had, I believe, at some period of the Expedition, lost all hope of returning.' (ibid).
On their return Stanley and his four surviving Officers of the Expedition received tremendous public acclaim, and Parke was appointed an Honorary Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, and awarded the British Medical Association's Gold Medal for Distinguished Merit, as well as receiving the Ottoman Order of the Medjidieh (the Emin Pasha nominally and ultimately being a representative of the Sultan) and the Zanzibari Order of the Brilliant Star. As Stanley himself said of his Officers, 'Never while human nature remains as we know it will there be found four gentleman so matchless for their constant devotion to their work, earnest purpose, and unflinching obedience to honour and duty. I consider this Expedition was nothing happier than in the possession of an unrivalled physician and surgeon, Dr. T.H. Parke. Skilled as a physician, tender as a nurse, gifted with remarkable consideration and sweet patience, every white officer in the Expedition and Emin Pasha are all indebted to him.'
Promoted Surgeon-Major in February 1893, Parke died in Scotland later that year, his coffin brought back to Ireland for burial in his native land. A bronze statue was erected in his honour and stands on Merrion Street, Dublin, outside the Natural History Museum; and his papers are in the Library of the Royal College of Surgeons, Dublin.

BRITISH ORDERS AND SINGLE AWARDS

30
The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Civil Division, Knight Grand Cross (G.C.B.) set of Insignia, by Garrard, London, sash Badge, silver-gilt (Hallmarks for London 1934); Star, silver, gold, and enamel, with gold retaining pin, nearly extremely fine, with full sash riband, in case of issue (2) £1,400-1,800
31
The Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, Knight Grand Cross (G.C.M.G.) sash Badge, 98mm including crown suspension x 72mm, silver-gilt and enamel, obverse central medallion slightly depressed, minor blue enamel damage to obverse motto, otherwise good very fine, with full sash riband £600-800
32
The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Military Division, Companion's (C.B.) neck Badge, silver-gilt and enamel, obverse central medallion slightly loose, minor green enamel damage, therefore nearly extremely fine, with neck riband £600-800
33
The Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, Companion's (C.I.E.) neck Badge, gold and enamel, extremely fine, with neck riband, in Garrard, London, case of issue £600-800
34
The Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, 1st type, Military Division, Commander's (C.B.E.) neck Badge, silver-gilt and enamel, good very fine, with short section of miniature width riband, in Garrard, London, case of issue, the case slightly damaged £200-240
35
The Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, 2nd type, Civil Division, Commander's (C.B.E.) neck Badge, silver-gilt and enamel, extremely fine, with neck riband, in Garrard, London, case of issue £200-240
36
The Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, 2nd type, Civil Division, Officer's (O.B.E.) breast Badge, silver-gilt and enamel, very fine, together with a St. John Ambulance Association Badge, bronze, the reverse engraved '216064 Minnie Bellwood' (2) £80-100
37
Military Cross, G.V.R., unnamed as issued, nearly extremely fine £450-550
38
Military Cross, G.VI.R., reverse officially dated '1942', extremely fine £500-700
39
Distinguished Flying Cross, G.VI.R., reverse officially dated '1944' and additionally privately engraved 'C.E. Daw.', nearly extremely fine, in Royal Mint case of issue £800-1,000
Footnote: D.F.C. London Gazette 8.12.1944 Flying Officer Cecil Ernest Daw (151363), R.A.F.V.R., 78 Sqn.
The Recommendation, dated 14.9.1944, states: 'This Officer has now completed his first operational tour consisting of 38 sorties, involving a total of 176 hours. His work has been of a very high standard, as also has been his conduct on the ground and in his section. He has taken part in many operations against the most heavily defenced targets and the outstanding success of his crew has been due in a great measure to his efforts. For his devotion to duty and his coolness in the face of the enemy, he is strongly recommended for the award of the Distinguished Flying Cross.'
Remarks by Station Commander: 'This Officer has now completed his first tour of operations during which targets in both Germany and France have been successfully attacked. Flying Officer Daw has at all times displayed coolness and courage in face of the enemy and the part taken by him in the crew has undoubtedly contributed in no small measure to the success of the crew as a whole. For this officer's sustained achievements and devotion to duty over a protracted period I strongly recommend the award of the Distinguished Flying Cross.'
Flight Lieutenant Cecil Ernest Daw, D.F.C., Commissioned Pilot Officer, Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve, 21.2.1943; promoted Flying Officer, 21.8.1943; posted as Navigator to No. 78 Squadron (Halifaxes), Breighton, his first operational sortie was a raid over Le Mans, 13.3.1944, followed two days later by a raid over Stuttgart; further targets over the next two months included Frankfurt (18.3), Karlsruhre (24.4), Paris (27.4), Lens (10.5), and Boulogne (19.5). After D-Day, Daw carried out a further 22 sorties with the Squadron, the last being a raid over Brunswick, 12.8.1944. In December 1944 he was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross, and was promoted Flight Lieutenant, 21.2.1945.
40
A Great War 1915 'French Theatre' D.C.M. to Private F.N. Hunt, Royal Welsh Fusiliers
Distinguished Conduct Medal, G.V.R. (11077 Pte. F.N. Hunt. 2/R.W. Fus:), edge bruising, therefore nearly very fine £550-600
Footnote: D.C.M. London Gazette 23.6.1915 11077 Pte. F.N. Hunt, 2nd Battalion, Royal Welsh Fusiliers
'For conspicuous gallantry and ability on night patrols, particularly on the night of 12th-13th March 1915, when he brought a wounded man back to our trenches, under a heavy fire.'
41
Distinguished Conduct Medal, G.V.R. (361 Pte. M. Hickey. 6/Conn: Rang:), good very fine £500-600
Footnote: D.C.M. London Gazette 1.5.1918 361 Pte. M. Hickey, Conn. Rang. (Dublin)
'For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty. As company runner he was sent on a message to battalion headquarters, and on his way picked up a badly wounded man and carried him to safety over 200 yards of shell-swept ground, after which he delivered his message. Later, he carried in two more wounded men, though exposed all the time to heavy machine-gun fire. Throughout the operations he showed an indefatigable energy and an utter-disregard of danger.'
42
The Highly Emotive Edward Medal for Mines to Workman H. McKenzie, Who Helped With the Attempted Rescue of Miners Trapped by a Terrible Fire in the Wellington Pit, Whitehaven, 11.5.1910; Of the Original Shift of 143 Miners Only 7 Survived
Edward Medal (Mines), E.VII.R., bronze (Hugh McKenzie.), nearly extremely fine £1,000-1,400
Footnote: E.M. London Gazette 11.2.1911 Hugh McKenzie, Workman 'On account of conspicuous bravery in connection with the attempt made to rescue their fellow workmen at the Wellington Pit, Whitehaven, on the 11th of May, 1910.'
The original citation, London Gazette 22.7.1910, states: 'On the 11th May, 1910, a terrible fire occurred in the Wellington Pit, Whitehaven, at a point about 4,500 yards from the shafts. Various rescue parties, with great courage and self-devotion and at considerable risk, descended the mine and endeavoured to extinguish the fire and penetrate to the persons in the workings beyond the same. Thorne and Littlewood, fitted with breathing apparatus, reached within a distance of 150 yards of the fire, but were driven back by the great heat and effusion of gases. The others got to within about 300 yards of the fire, working in the smoke backing from the fire. It was found impossible to penetrate to the scene of the fire or to rescue any of the entombed miners. Had an explosion occurred - a by no means unlikely eventuality, seeing that the mine is a very gassy one - they would undoubtedly all have been killed. Special gallantry was shown by John Henry Thorne, to whom the Edward Medal of the First Class has already been awarded, and by James Littlewood.'
For this action John Henry Thorne and James Littlewood were awarded silver Edward Medals (the award to Thorne being a Second Award bar); and 64 men, including Graham, were awarded bronze Edward Medals, the greatest number of Edward Medals ever to be given for one incident.
The Wellington Pit Disaster
'The first indication something was wrong reached the shaft top about eight o'clock on the evening of Wednesday, 11th May, 1910. An exploration party was dispatched down the shaft and news quickly spread around the town. A large party of police was almost immediately on the spot but there was no issue of keeping order ñ the huge crowds, which soon grew to thousands, stood quietly on the clear, starlit night. A terrible explosion involving a large loss of life was feared.
An entire shift of men, numbering 143, had entered the mine the previous evening. Only seven had managed to escape immediately after the explosion, leaving 136 men still unaccounted for.
Right through the night and all the next day, rescue parties were at work trying to reach the workings where the missing men were entombed, but it was extremely difficult, the atmosphere dense. Some of the timbering in the mine was on fire while the only means of ventilating the portion of the pit where the men were trapped was entirely cut off. At the pithead there were heart-rending scenes. Women, with children, in pain and anxiety waited for news of their loved ones. Many of them stayed at the pithead all night and the whole of the following day refusing to leave for rest or refreshment and a number collapsed, worn out by their vigil. As the day wore on and successive rescue parties reported the stupendous difficulties underground, hopes of saving the imprisoned men diminished and the distress of the crowd grew more acute. The demonstration of grief was extreme. Weeping women and children would not leave as it became extremely doubtful any further lives would be saved. The mine was on fire, many fire extinguishers and other fire appliances had been sent to the scene. In Whitehaven itself business was at a standstill. The fishermen and dock labourers all volunteered any assistance they could render. And a large number of doctors and nurses had mustered waiting to give aid. The police were engaged keeping the crowd from surging on to the pit shaft.
Mr. J.B. Atkinson, H.M. Chief Inspector of Mines for the Northern District, arrived at four o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by Mr. H.A. Abbott, Inspector of Mines for the North-Eastern District, and they were briefed on the situation. They both then descended the shaft to inspect the progress that had been made. The fire by now had taken hold at the friction gear. With the risk to the rescue teams and the possibility of a further explosion, Mr. Atkinson ordered the mine be cleared of all men. He stated it would be impossible for anyone to be alive on the other side of the fire and ordered every man to proceed to the surface. Some of the rescue party, concerned for trapped men, needed to be forcibly dragged away.
A conference was held at the pit top at nine o'clock that Thursday evening between the Inspectors and Colliery Officials. It was decided to wait until special rescue teams arrived from Armstrong Whitworth and Co. at Elswick, and The Sheffield Mining Company. The teams arrived around eleven o'clock that evening and proceeded to enter the shaft with their special breathing apparatus. The Sheffield men, John Thorne and James Littlewood, were well known in mining circles as the two most experienced men available. The party descended the shaft at 11:25pm, accompanied by the Inspectors, Colliery officials, and a party of the best miners that they could find. On reaching the bottom, they walked for just under three miles before stopping to set their equipment. Thorne and Littlewood then set off on their own in an attempt to pass the fire and get into the workings beyond, to check the air there. After battling ahead for 170 yards the smoke was so thick that they could not see their torches. Thorne, who led, with Littlewood a few steps behind, tripped over some fallen telegraph wires which were so hot they badly burned his legs. On reaching the brattice cloth, he put his hand around the side and described it "like putting your hand inside an oven". They could hear the crackling of the fire but could see nothing for the smoke. The heat was so intense that the soldered name plates on the helmets were melted and caused a blister on each of the men's faces. Reluctantly, they decided to turn back after twenty minutes, no longer able to stand the heat and fearing for another explosion. On arrival back at the shaft top, it was realised that nothing further could be done for the trapped men. Mr. Atkinson made the decision to build a two foot thick stopping in the main passageway in an attempt to starve the oxygen of fire. This was achieved by Friday morning.
On Friday morning a large congregation of around 3,000 miners assembled in the Market Place demanding to be allowed to continue the search for their trapped comrades. A telegram had already been sent, by the miners, to the Home Secretary, the Rt. Hon. Winston Churchill, asking for such permission.
On Sunday morning, a party of seven entered the mine hoping to reach the seat of the fire by the return airway. About one and a half miles in, the doors separating the intake from the outtake were opened and four men entered with breathing apparatus. Mr. Steel, the Mine Manager; Mr. Blair, the Assistant Manager; Mr. Henry, the Under Manager; and John Thorne had travelled about 190 yards when their canary fell from its perch. Further on, their safety lamps went out. Undaunted, they continued over many falls until the heat was 85 degrees Fahrenheit and they could no longer see their electric lamps for the smoke. They had reached a point 500 yards beyond the stopping in the intake and within 400 yards of the fire. They reluctantly came to the decision that no one could make it past the fire and all beyond must be long since dead. It was decided to build another stopping in the return and a further stopping in the intake as the only possible course to put the fire out.' (Whitehaven News, 12-17.5.1910 refers).
The first of the bodies were recovered from the pit on the 27th September, and a mass funeral took place with an estimated 10,000 people attending. Many families had lost more than one family member, with the McAllister family losing seven members to the fire.
43
Military Medal, G.V.R. (202297 Pte. H. Mc.Laughlan. 6/Sco: Rif:), partially officially corrected, good very fine £160-200
Footnote: M.M. London Gazette 13.3.1919 202297 Pte. McLaughlan, H., 6th Bn. (Glasgow)
202297 Private Harry McLaughlan, M.M., born Burncurana, Co. Donegal; served with the 5th/6th Battalion, Scottish Rifles during the Great War; killed in action on the Western Front, 3.10.1918, and is buried in Villers Hill British Cemetery, France.

CAMPAIGN GROUPS AND PAIRS

44
Pair: Corporal W. Hogg, Royal Horse Artillery
Military General Service 1793-1814, two clasps, Vittoria, St. Sebastian (W. Hogg, Corpl. Royal H. Arty.); Waterloo 1815 (Will. Hogg, Gunner, Royal Horse Artillery.), with original steel clip and split ring suspension, contact marks, the Waterloo good fine, the MGS good very fine (2) £2,400-2,800
Footnote: Corporal William Hogg, King's Barns, Fife, c.1793; enlisted in the Royal Artillery, February 1812, served with the Royal Horse Artillery in the Peninsula and in Lieutenant-Colonel W. Smith's 'F' Troop during the Waterloo Campaign, 16-18.6.1815; promoted Bombardier, October 1824; Corporal, April 1832; discharged, April 1835, after 25 years and 99 days' service.
Provenance:
Cheylesmore Collection, 1908
Glendining, July 1930
Glendining, February 1980
45
Pair: Assistant Surgeon G.T.M. Martin, Royal Navy
Naval General Service 1793-1840, one clasp, Syria (G.T.M. Martin, Asst. Surgn.); St. Jean d'Acre 1840, silver, pierced for ring suspension as issued, with contemporary silver eyelet and straight bar suspension, minor edge nicks, otherwise good very fine (2) £900-1,100
Footnote: G.T.M. Martin served as Assistant Surgeon in H.M.S. Hastings during operations on and off the coast of Syria, 1840.
Gilbert Thrift Meldrum Martin entered the Royal Navy as Assistant Surgeon, 1838; served in H.M.S. Hastings, 1838-1841; appointed Surgeon, H.M.S. Electra, 1842; subsequent service included in H.M.S. Eurydice.
Provenance:
Sotheby, June 1971
46
Pair: Major D. Thompson, Bengal Artillery
Punjab 1848-49, no clasp (2nd Lieut. D. Thompson. 4th. Cy. 6th. Battn. Arty.); Indian Mutiny 1857-58, one clasp, Delhi (2nd. Captn. D. Thompson, 2nd. Compy. 4th. Batt. Arty.), light contact marks, good very fine (2) £600-800
Footnote: Major David Thompson, born Calcutta, India, September 1826; educated at Perth Academy; Commissioned Second Lieutenant, Bengal Artillery, June 1846, and served during the Second Sikh War under Sir Henry Wheeler; promoted Lieutenant, March 1853; served during the Indian Mutiny in operations before Delhi and the capture of that city, September 1857; promoted Second Captain, August 1858; Captain, March 1865; retired with the rank of Major, April 1869; died April 1899.
47
A Good Crimea Group of Four to Captain G.H. Lamb, 49th Foot
Crimea 1854-56, two clasps, Inkermann, Sebastopol (Captn. G.H. Lamb. 49th. Regt.), contemporarily engraved in large serif capitals; France, Second Empire, Legion of Honour, Chevalier's breast Badge, 64mm including crown suspension x 42mm, silver, gold, and enamel, significant enamel damage to tips; Turkey, Ottoman Empire, Order of the Medjidieh, Fifth Class breast Badge, 68mm including Star and Crescent suspension x 48mm, silver, gold applique, and enamel; Turkish Crimea, Sardinian die, of contemporary British manufacture (Captn. Lamb 49th. Regt.), contemporarily engraved in large serif capitals, nearly very fine, all with top silver riband buckles, mounted in a glazed display frame with the following:
- A fine quality gilt 49th Foot Shoulder Belt Plate, comprising a crowned circular strap 'Princess Charlotte of Wales' enclosing 'Hertfordshire' with '49' on a domed ground, attendant laurel sprays bearing a scrolls reading 'Egmont-op-Zee', 'Copenhagen', and 'Queenstown', 'China' across the base, with the Royal Dragon of China below, complete with original leather liner, c.1844-1855
- Two 49th Foot cloth and bullion badges
- 'Crimea' cloth Standard Battle-honour
- A framed parchment scroll listing 'The Military Services of George Henry Lamb'; together with the recipient's diary for 1855 (4) £2,000-3,000
Footnote: Captain George Henry Lamb, Commissioned Ensign, 49th Foot, December 1848; promoted Lieutenant, January 1851; embarked with the Regiment for the Crimea, March 1854; taken ill of fever at Larna, August 1854; recovered and re-joined the Regiment in the Crimea, landing at Balaklava, 9.10.1854; served through the rest of the campaign, and present at the Sortie from Sebastopol, 26.10.1854, and the Battle of Inkermann, 5.11.1854; promoted Captain, December 1854; took part in the Capture of the Rifle Pits, 19.4.1855; the First Assault on the Grand Redan, 18.6.1855; and the Final Assault on the Redan, 8.9.1855: 'As we all anticipated the Grand Event took place today. The Division paraded at 6:00am and marched off at 6:30am. At 12:00pm the French made one bound into the Malakoff which was theirs in five minutes. We then went at the Redan and partially succeeded, but in consequence of the severe flanking fire on us were driven back with very great loss in Officers and Men. Meantime the musketry of the Malakoff was tremendous, a terrible fight coming on in the town which continued until 6:00pm, at which point we were relieved and returned to camp.' (The recipient's diary refers). The following day, 9.9.1855, Sebastopol fell: 'The Fall of Sebastopol took place. Hip, Hip, Hurray! Throughout the night frightful explosions took place in different parts of the Redan and Malakoff. At daybreak we were turned out and marched to the 5th Parallel, and on our way down were told that the Russians had vacated the south side entirely! The bridge broken up and the Men-of-Wars sunk- Cheers, boys, Cheers! Roamed all over the Redan which is a most extraordinary town as it were, and then walked into Sebastopol. The whole place torn down by our shells. The plunder, trophies, and guns taken is enormous. I remained out all night, and the men lit large fires.' (ibid).
Captain Lamb returned to Britain, June 1856; he resigned his Commission, February 1857.
48
Pair: Private M. Nixon, Gordon Highlanders
Afghanistan 1878-80, three clasps, Charasia, Kabul, Kandahar (B/414 Pte. M. Nixon. 92nd. Highrs.), surname partially officially corrected; Army Long Service & G.C., V.R. (56th. Bde. 414. Pte. M. Nixon, 92nd. Foot), minor edge bruise at point of contact, good very fine (2) £380-420
49
Three: Private G. Passmore, Royal Marine Light Infantry
Egypt 1882-89, dated, one clasp, Tel-el-Kebir (G. Passmore. Pte. R.M.); Naval Long Service & G.C., V.R. (Geo. Passmore Pte. 7th. Co. R.M.L.I.); Khedive's Star 1882, unnamed as issued, very fine (3) £300-350
50
Pair: Private W. Robinson, Cameron Highlanders
Egypt 1882-89, undated, one clasp, The Nile 1884-85 (1010. Pte. W. Robinson. 1/Cam'n. Highrs.); Khedive's Star 1884, nearly extremely fine (2) £160-200
Auction Details - AUCTION ALREADY HELD
Orders, Decorations, Campaign Medals and Militaria
Auctioneer: Spink Location: 69 Southampton Row, Bloomsbury, London WC1B 4ET
Contact: Tel: +44 (0)20 7563 4000 Fax: +44 (0)20 7563 4066
Date: 21st November 2013 Time: 10:00AM
Details: Viewng:
Tuesday 19th November 10am to 5pm
Wednesday 20th November 10am to 5pm
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